Consecutive presidential terms? Don't even dream about it

By Hankookilbo

• Published Sep 15, 2026 9:58 PM KST

Constitutional revision is back at the forefront of the national agenda once again. But this is not the old question of overcoming the 1987 constitutional system. It is a new question: Would President Lee Jae Myung also be covered by a constitutional amendment introducing a four-year presidential term with the possibility of reelection? The Constitution clearly bars the incumbent from benefiting from such a change, so no one had thought otherwise. Yet the issue has suddenly emerged under this administration.

When he was a presidential candidate, Lee pledged a constitutional amendment allowing for two four-year consecutive terms and repeatedly stated that it would not apply to him. If that were still the case, he should have reacted with annoyance to persistent doubts by saying, "I keep telling you I have no thoughts of a second term."

Instead, his response became evasive: "Do I really need to say I won't steal?"

In fact, he has a long history of going back on his word. His 2023 declaration to waive his immunity from arrest is one such example. When an actual arrest crisis came, he resisted through a hunger strike — an extreme measure — and pleaded with fellow lawmakers to vote down the motion for his arrest. It is hard to view his latest changed rhetoric in any other way. It strongly suggests he has a consecutive term in mind.

Article 128, Paragraph 2 of the Constitution — which states that a constitutional amendment extending the presidential term or changing the eligibility for another term “shall not be effective for the president in office at the time the amendment is proposed” — was surprisingly created by Chun Doo-hwan's junta in 1980.

It was intended to appease the public with a promise that Chun would step down after serving seven years. The provision carried over into the 1987 Constitution, which was a product of democratization and reduced the presidential term to five years. It was a constitutional nail driven in place to prevent anyone from changing the rules for their own benefit. The principle prohibiting self-benefit, along with the separation of powers, became a pillar of our constitutional order. And now they want to tamper with it?

Then again, after having witnessed Lee's actions that fearlessly mock the constitutional system — such as the trial suspension act, the crime of distorting the law and the special counsel for canceling public prosecution or fabricated indictments — this comes as no surprise.

Ingenious ideas are already creeping out. One proposal involves a two-step constitutional amendment: deleting Article 128, Paragraph 2 while changing Article 70, which stipulates the presidential term, to allow two four-year terms. Another “solution” is for the president to resign before his term ends and have the government operate under an acting president while the Constitution is amended, thereby avoiding the prohibition on the incumbent benefiting from the change. Lee's remark that “my term could be shortened through a constitutional amendment” also sounds less innocuous in this context. All of these are the kinds of legal-evasive schemes that turn the nation's legal system into a quagmire.

Quite apart from the unconstitutionality of such ideas, Lee is not in a position to seek another term even politically. His approval rating, which soared above 60 percent early in his presidency, has been cut nearly in half in just a year and three months. As warned last spring, immediately after the ruling Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) proposed a special counsel bill to investigate allegations of fabricated prosecutions, that attempt would become a turning point determining the fate of the administration. Even if Lee were revered as a sage king, he would be in no position to seek another term. His approval rating is now at roughly the same level that Yoon Suk Yeol had at a comparable point in his presidency — and Yoon went on to become the worst-rated president in history. There is simply no public support capable of generating the minimum momentum needed.

Politically, Lee is hardly in a comfortable position either. He secured control of more than 60 percent of lawmakers through nominations before becoming president. Now, however, figures such as Rhyu Si-min and Jung Chung-rae, who claim to be the legitimate heirs of the Democratic Party of Korea and the democracy movement, are likely to raise their objections with increasing intensity. Even the president's loyalists will rapidly go their separate ways as they calculate their own political interests.

Ambitious politicians, led by Kim Min-seok, Lee's first prime minister and now ruling party leader, are focused on expanding their own political presence. They have no reason to walk into a fire that could consume them. Given the downward trend in Lee's approval ratings, he is increasingly likely to become a liability rather than a source of political benefit for them. That is the obvious principle of the political world, as well as the reality of the environment in which Lee grew up on the political margins. The political landscape is unfavorable to him as well.

Every word Lee says and every policy and personnel appointment he makes is viewed with suspicion that it is an attempt to evade his legal risks. Wearing this burden, it will be difficult for him to maintain presidential authority and political momentum for the long period he has left in office. Sometimes, giving something up and letting it go is the way to gain more. In other words, the best way to reduce his legal risks is to cleanly put to rest all the issues over which he is being viewed with suspicion, including the possibility of seeking another term.

Attention now turns to Lee's statement on the matter, which is reportedly coming soon. Please let it be a bold declaration that he will no longer be concerned about facing legal consequences after his term ends.

This article from the Hankook Ilbo, the sister publication of The Korea Times, is translated by a generative AI system and edited by The Korea Times.