[ED] Two schools of thought - The Korea Times

ED Two schools of thought

President Lee Jae-myung, third from left, speaks to presidential chief of staff Kang Hoon-sik, fourth from left, while unveiling his foreign policy and security team on June 4. Lee Jong-seok, first from left,  the National Intelligence Service director nominee, stands next to  Prime Minister nominee Kim Min-seok, second from left. National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac, fifth from left, is also present. Yonhap

President Lee Jae-myung, third from left, speaks to presidential chief of staff Kang Hoon-sik, fourth from left, while unveiling his foreign policy and security team on June 4. Lee Jong-seok, first from left, the National Intelligence Service director nominee, stands next to Prime Minister nominee Kim Min-seok, second from left. National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac, fifth from left, is also present. Yonhap

Their tug of war, if continued, will cause Seoul's foreign policy to zigzag

Senior presidential secretary Oh Kwang-soo resigned on Friday following allegations that he held assets under a false name. His resignation came just six days after President Lee Jae-myung appointed him as the head of the Office of the Senior Presidential Secretary for Civil Affairs, a role responsible for conducting background checks on presidential nominees, among other duties.

Oh's departure adds to growing concerns over a string of high-profile nominees and top-level political appointees facing a range of allegations involving ethical lapses and questionable financial transactions.

For example, Prime Minister nominee Kim Min-seok is accused of abusing his position to embellish his son’s extracurricular credentials during high school in order to aid his admission into a U.S. university. Kim also faces multiple other allegations, including suspicious financial transactions and doubts over his educational background. He claims to have earned a master’s degree from Tsinghua University in China in the same year he ran — unsuccessfully — for mayor of Busan. Critics argue that it would have been logistically impossible to complete graduate studies in China while simultaneously preparing for and campaigning in a local election. National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac and his wife have also been accused of engaging in speculative real estate transactions.

Lee, who took office on June 4 — less than two weeks ago — may have made some appointments without the full awareness of these controversies, particularly since the Office of the Senior Presidential Secretary for Civil Affairs had not yet been fully staffed. However, while understandable, this does not excuse flawed vetting. If such problematic nominations continue, they risk undermining the Lee administration before it has the chance to pursue its policy agenda.

Of even greater concern are reports suggesting that Lee is facing internal power struggles over coveted government posts, which may be impeding his ability to select qualified and controversy-free nominees.

Ironically, many of the allegations against Lee’s picks were first reported by media outlets generally sympathetic to the ruling Democratic Party of Korea. This has led to speculation that insider leaks may have been orchestrated to discredit the nominees, possibly in an effort to pressure the president into replacing them with preferred alternatives.

The root of the alleged ongoing power struggles within the Lee administration lies in the president’s “inclusive” approach to forming his foreign policy and security team.

Within the administration, two competing schools of thought are reportedly vying for influence over Korea’s foreign policy direction. One group advocates for an independent and proactive role for Korea in facilitating peace and stability in East Asia. The other prioritizes the Korea–U.S. alliance as the bedrock of the nation’s foreign policy and national security posture.

The first group, often referred to as "independents," envisions Korea as a regional power that can chart its own course in diplomacy. They argue that Seoul should adopt a balancing role in East Asia — maintaining strategic distance from Washington while engaging with North Korea and improving relations with China and Russia. Lee Jong-seok, the nominee for director of the National Intelligence Service, is considered a prominent figure in this camp.

In sharp contrast are the so-called "alliance advocates," who believe Korea must maintain a strong and unwavering commitment to the Korea-U.S.alliance regardless of domestic political changes. These realists see no viable alternative for the country's security in an increasingly polarized global landscape, where democracies such as Korea, the U.S. and Japan are in strategic competition with authoritarian regimes like China, Russia and North Korea. National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac is a key figure aligned with this worldview.

Given these divergent perspectives, observers warn that a possible conflict between the two camps may be inevitable. If this internal rivalry should intensify, Korea’s foreign policy risks becoming erratic and inconsistent. Both factions are expected to compete fiercely for Lee’s ear, with the ultimate direction of foreign policy hinging on which side prevails. They however must keep in mind the president's foreign policy motto of putting national interests first while adopting a pragmatic approach.

Competition is generally desirable — it drives innovation and fosters prosperity. However, it becomes harmful when it turns into a power struggle. The two schools of thought within the Lee administration should prioritize cooperation over competition for influence. Their shared objective must be the success of the newly inaugurated Lee Jae-myung government.

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