A third way

Seoul needs to remix sunshine and north wind

It may sound self-abasing, but the Koreas ― at least their governments ― are now like two combative kids stopped by their respective older brothers.

Over the weekend, South Korea’s armed forces continued massive exercises mobilizing tanks, ships and fighters. President Lee Myung-bak visited a border unit to pledge a ``merciless counterattack” against anymore North Korean provocation. In response, the North’s top military official threatened a ``sacred nuclear war” if the South attacked.

News reports say North Korean citizens were as frightened as their southern counterparts on Dec. 20 when the South pressed ahead with live-fire artillery drills in a West Sea area North Korea claims and disputes. Pyongyang’s unexpected inaction was due to Beijing’s strong calls for restraint, which were made at the behest of Washington. A high-level U.S. mission will visit Seoul soon to sound out opportunities for resuming dialogue.

What all this shows is the Koreas need to have a cooling-off period and rethink their policies toward each other.

Kim Jong-il and his coterie must stop their nuclear threats. Just the idea of using atomic bombs here is not only mass suicide but would amount to historically unforgivable crimes not just on all Koreans but also humankind.

The “Dear Leader” should know the rest of the world regards him as little more than a villain who takes the safety of Korean people and the region hostage. The safety of a hostage-taker is ensured only as long as that of the kidnapped victim is guaranteed. The reclusive regime’s increasing reliance on violence only works to remove what remains of international sympathy for its existence.

That said, the time has also long past for the Lee administration to rethink its North Korea policy ― or lack thereof. Policy on North Korea should not be based on whether policymakers think the Pyongyang regime is desirable or not or even whether they like North Korea or not. The officials should base their policies and diplomatic judgments only on rationality and efficiently.

The Lee administration’s denuclearization-first policy has changed nothing but to turn the North far more belligerent and dangerous. To win a possible showdown with the North, Seoul has had to pay a heavy price, economically and diplomatically, to surrounding powers, including the United States and China. The Korean version of ``strategic patience” has been reduced to a typical example of a high-cost, low-efficiency policy and is now becoming high-risk as well.

It is natural, therefore, even some senior lawmakers within the ruling Grand National Party to call for a ``broad review” of Seoul’s policy toward Pyongyang. A blue-ribbon presidential panel designed to enhance social unity also recommended Seoul comes up with a policy that adds some conversation to the present confrontation. In-house dissension is also being heard within the main opposition Democratic Party, too. DP Chairman Sohn Hak-kyu recently said, ``The Sunshine Policy was not a cure-all,” as it has failed to keep the North from going nuclear.

A bipartisan panel is needed to supplement the shortcomings of the previous Sunshine Policy and current North Wind Policy to dissuade Pyongyang from military adventurism, in large part by beefing up the South’s own strength, while opening it wider to outside influence.

Global strategists say the U.S. and China might clash with each other for the world’s hegemony as early as in five years. Koreans will be wishing the potential G2 conflict is not of a military nature, and the stage is not this divided peninsula.

Let’s hope the governments of the two Koreas have the same thoughts.