Leveraging smart power in age of AI (I)
Diplomacy has long been an essential instrument for conducting negotiations and managing relations, both among states and among private actors, even back in the Middle Ages. Today, diplomacy has evolved into the fundamental art of communication and negotiation among states, as well as among public and private groups. In times of peace, it contributes to the consolidation of stability and cooperation; in times of war, it plays a crucial role in preventing escalation and facilitating the restoration of peace.
Diplomacy can be broadly categorized into several forms. State diplomacy manages a country's official foreign affairs; public diplomacy advances the interests and values of public and private groups through engagement with foreign publics; and personal diplomacy serves the interests of individual rulers, monarchs or authoritarian leaders. In the age of artificial intelligence (AI), however, the role of diplomacy is undergoing profound change. Traditional diplomatic practices are no longer sufficient in a world that has rapidly moved beyond the digital age into the AI era. The unprecedented speed of information dissemination and the rapid advancement of technology have challenged many of diplomacy's conventional functions.
At the beginning of the 20th century, Professor Harold Nicolson argued that the most fundamental virtues of diplomacy were honesty and trustworthiness. While these qualities remain indispensable, they fall short of meeting the demands of contemporary diplomacy.
The question, however, is what kind of diplomacy Korea most needs in the AI age. The international environment is marked by extraordinary uncertainty. The global order has become increasingly fragmented and multipolar, with no effective center of gravity capable of maintaining stability. In other words, the international community lacks a functioning guardian of order. The United States has often displayed a tendency toward self-interested interventionism. China continues to pursue its vision of the “Chinese Dream.” Russia's actions have demonstrated a willingness to use force for territorial expansion. Meanwhile, NATO has shown reluctance to become involved in the Middle East’s security crises. Under such circumstances, peace can become vulnerable to conflict, recalling aspects of the imperial era.
Given these realities, Korea should place the highest priority on the development of smart-power diplomacy. Such an approach would enable the country to advance its national interests, including peace and security on the Korean Peninsula, while navigating an increasingly fragile and uncertain international order. Smart-power diplomacy is founded on two complementary pillars: economic, technological, AI and cultural capabilities on the one hand, and military capabilities on the other. The former generate soft power, while the latter provide hard power. The effective integration of these two dimensions creates a balanced and reliable source of national strength.
Soft power fosters internal resilience, international influence and long-term sustainability, whereas hard power provides the material capabilities necessary for deterrence and defense. By combining both forms of power, Korea can pursue a more flexible and autonomous diplomatic strategy, one that is not constrained by digital diplomatic frameworks, historical precedents or excessive dependence on any single great power.
Two notable examples of Korea's effective use of smart-power diplomacy are the achievements of diplomats Seo Hui during the Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392) and Syngman Rhee during the mid-twentieth century. In 993, Seo Hui employed exceptional negotiation skills and strategic persuasion, erecting the six fortifications along the Yalu River. A similar example is found in the leadership of former President Syngman Rhee during and after the 1950-53 Korean War. Following the Korean War, he skillfully persuaded U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower to commit to Korea's security, with the two countries signing the ROK–U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty in 1953.
These two cases illustrate how Korea has successfully leveraged smart power — combining limited hard power with careful contact, persuasion and strategic statecraft.
Heo Mane, professor emeritus at Pusan National University, is a former president of the Korean Society of Contemporary European Studies. The views expressed in this article do not represent the editorial stance of The Korea Times.