Korea-Japan relations at crossroads
By Sean O'Malley
What a difference an administration makes. Japan has transformed from a “perpetrator” of “crimes against humanity” under the former Moon Jae-in administration into a “partner that shares universal values with us” under the current Yoon Suk Yeol administration, at least according to March 1 Independence Movement Day speeches. The contrast is sharp and shows quite clearly the difficulty Japan faces in relations with South Korea.
The current administration's latest attempt to end the dispute with Japan regarding forced labor during World War II has garnered much debate and criticism. To get past the deadlock in relations, the latest proposal introduces a rather novel idea to end the spat: third-party compensation paid primarily by Korean companies that benefitted from grants and loans provided by the 1965 “Agreement on the Settlement of Problems Concerning Property and Claims and on Economic Co-operation between Japan and the Republic of Korea.”
Even if this plan is implemented it will fail to gain acceptance among the South Korean public. This is because opponents of the plan ― South Korean victims, civil activists, and many politicians ― seemingly will get neither restitution from Japanese companies nor an apology from the government of Japan for the forced labor policies of the past.
The hard truth is that the forced labor issue is simply one tree in a deep forest of mistrust. In conflict resolution terms, we would refer to the bundle of historical grievances between Korea and Japan as an intractable issue that is not ripe for resolution. This means the issue is difficult or impossible to solve (e.g. intractable) and that it has not reached a point where participants are prepared to accept a resolution (e.g. ripe for resolution). The truth is that the people and governments of both countries feel like victims, and they have for a long time.
Just over 20 years ago, I witnessed a verbal argument of recriminations and accusations nearly turn physically violent. Ironically, the argument took place in my graduate school seminar class on conflict resolution. The participants in this particular exchange were a Korean student and a Japanese student, two young women on very friendly terms until a class discussion that day. Both women felt as though their nation was the victim of decades of mistreatment by the other and their raw emotions poured out for all to see.
The old cliche is that it takes two to tango, but Japan and South Korea are dancing to different beats. For decades, Japan has claimed steadfastly that all compensation issues were settled completely and finally by the 1965 Agreement. Meanwhile, successive Korean administrations have tried ever-changing policies to get redress for wrongs committed by colonial Japan. The Yoon administration's approach to the forced labor issue is yet another such attempt.
Unfortunately, successive administrations' policies have fueled a lack of trust between these states. Former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe allegedly quipped that he would trust the Chinese before the Koreans. This lack of trust seeps down to ordinary Japanese citizens, as I learned 20 years ago. Following President Yoon's Independence Movement Day speech, the Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) aided that lack of trust once again by stating the Yoon administration is “maintaining a submissive stance toward Japan” and negotiating a plan that “is shameful to our ancestors who fought for independence.” As such, the majority party in the legislature signaled to Japan that it will not support the current direction of negotiations and will likely overturn any finalized plan if it regains the presidency.
Regrettably, a major obstacle to improved relations is that politicians in both countries gain little from their respective publics by trying to settle these difficult historical issues. Japan-bashing in Korea is an easy way for politicians to show their nationalist credentials. Generally speaking, all Korean politicians can benefit from Japan-bashing, but it is progressives who most need Japan as a foe. With Japan as a foe, progressives can redirect South Korean anxiety away from North Korea and China. Meanwhile “Korea fatigue,” a euphemism for anti-Korea sentiment, is rising among the Japanese public.
The conservative Yoon administration rightly recognizes that South Korea can no longer sacrifice national security for the sake of Japan-bashing. North Korean provocations that increased near the end of the Moon administration have continued to increase under the Yoon administration, and therefore, closer security coordination between South Korea and Japan must be enhanced, whether bilaterally or under trilateral terms with the United States.
President Yoon and his administration cannot overcome the lack of trust in both countries, and subsequently, they cannot solve the intractable issues of historical grievances between them. Therefore, they are walking a delicate tightrope.
To placate domestic interests, South Korean Foreign Minister Park Jin has called for Japan “to make political decisions in sincere response (to South Korea's efforts)” while the foreign ministry continues working-level consultations with Japan over the issue of forced labor. Simultaneously, the administration is enhancing security and intelligence cooperation with Japan, which is in the interests of both countries. In essence, the administration seemingly has managed to extricate security policy from historical grievances and seen no major backlash in domestic polling numbers.
So, has the South Korean president found a sweet spot in relations with Japan? With increased security cooperation, communication lines to Prime Minister Fumio Kishida more open, and poll numbers stabilized, perhaps it is best for the president and his team to remain patient and stay the course. Forcing an unsupported agreement regarding forced labor on the Korean public can only hurt this delicate balance and damage overall policies toward Japan. Building trust in any agreement, both domestically and with the Japanese, will take time. The president should remember: patience is a virtue and the fruits of labor ripen with time.
Sean O'Malley (seanmo@dongseo.ac.kr) is a professor of international studies at Dongseo University, where he teaches classes on U.S.-Korea Relations and regionalism. His most recent paper, “Nationalism as a Primary Institution in Northeast Asia” can be found in Asia Review.