In defense of Donald John Trump
Former U.S. President Donald Trump / AFP
By Emanuel Pastreich
The lawyers employed by Donald Trump have amassed an impressive pile of arguments to defend him against charges that he incited a mob of his supporters to stage an armed insurrection in the Capitol and to murder people in an effort to stop the selection of his democratically elected opponent. It is not popular in the fickle fairyland of Washington D.C. to defend Donald Trump, let alone to praise him. But at this sad hour in our nation's history, that is precisely what must be done.
Sadly, the impeachment trial scheduled for February 9th is unlikely to touch on either the true violations of the Constitution and of Federal law by the Trump administration, nor on Donald Trump's significant accomplishments in office.
Like the last impeachment trial of Donald Trump, which focused on ambiguous and amorphous Russian collusion, and left untouched the criminality of the entire executive branch (over which Trump had little control), this trial has one clear purpose: warning all American politicians that the system is ready to tar and feather them in the corporate media, attack them for things that they did not do and then take them down any way it feels like with the entire world as a captive audience.
In other words, the president of the United States in the years ahead will resemble the emperors of the late Roman empire who reigns rarely lasted for more than a few years; men who were batted around by the generals in the manner that a cat plays with a mouse.
The sprawling executive branch has as its tentacles consulting firms, military and law enforcement contractors, and a host of lobbying and influence peddling groups that assume that corruption is a day's work well done. None of those players are going to be on Trial for Valentine's Day. To blame their sins on Donald Trump, and then present to the world “pay to play” Joe Biden as a progressive breath of fresh air, is true alchemy.
For all his sins, from poor taste in clothing, to the garish interiors at his hotels, to his associations with organized crime and his pandering to audiences who craved the sensational, Trump was a man who simply tried to outsmart the system from within for personal benefit, but also for certain honorable principles. Sadly, he became a prisoner of the system in the process. He was accused of trumped up or exaggerated sins, his true mistakes were overlooked and his real accomplishments were buried forever.
The case against Donald Trump
Donald Trump, a man who had never served in public office before he became president, a man who knew little about financial and social policy, or international relations, a man who was obliged to turn to a handful of cynical political players, and to the cunning multi-billionaires behind the curtains, for advice in his fantastic “Battle with the Deep State” ― a show perfect for The Sahara ― was bathetic and tragic at the same time.
I dispute, however, the assumption that Trump was inherently less qualified for office than Hillary Clinton, Barak Obama, or Joe Biden, three individuals deeply linked to global finance, weapons manufacturers and to a host of other parasitic organizations hell bent on tearing the United States (and the world) apart for profit. The fact that such global parasites interacted with these supposedly noble men through Harvard University's Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs did nothing to dilute their criminality. None of these politicians should have ever been considered as candidates for that office.
The recent orgy of media coverage about Trump has nothing to do with his real mistakes, but is rather a cynical ploy to make the Biden administration's progressive-tinted Trojan Horse Corona police state legitimate and also to create a new enemy for the public imagination: the MAGA-hat wearing ignorant racist Trump supporter. That last creation is the first step towards tarring anyone who questions the criminal conspiracies that are in full swing today in America with the term “domestic terrorist” and locking them up if the newly appointed
sees fit.
Trump's rise to political power was a result of his success in real estate development, his management of casinos, his speculation in various shaking business deals and his effective use of sensationalist television to gain a loyal audience. It is not necessary to explain that one cannot be involved in construction and casinos at that level without being linked to racketeering and money laundering, to prostitution and organized crime.
In a healthy and functional democracy, such baggage would have been enough to disqualify Trump early on.
But the mainstream Democrats and Republicans who raked in money from global investment banks that make a killing in the promotion of forever wars (in the name of peace), who push through dangerous free trade agreements, and who participated in the rape of the Federal Reserve, are even more diabolical. The in-your- face obnoxiousness of Trump is more honest than the cultivated, culturally sensitive, ethnically diverse Ivy League graduates who used their empathic image to hide from us the brutal war these global financial institutions are conducting against ordinary people.
Donald Trump was guilty of violations of the Constitution and of Federal Law during the course of his administration that deserve impeachment. Period.
At the same time, however, George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Obama were all guilty of numerous acts in violation of the Constitution and Federal Law worthy of impeachment. If anything, the real question is why American intellectuals have decided to let the bloated, sprawling and putrid executive branch get away with all this institutionalized criminality and to demonize anyone who exposes the inner workings of the system.
The Democratic and Republican congressmen who gather like jackals for the impeachment trial, men and women who looked the other way as global financial powers robbed the Federal Reserve of 10 trillion or more and then had the nerve to say the economic crisis was a result of a “COVID19” virus, should be on trial too.
Trump's tragic mistakes
Trump's decision to run for president can be traced back to the White House Correspondents Dinner on April 30, 2011. He was subject to pointed mockery by Obama intended to humiliate him in public and destroy his political career.
Trump's anger was written all over his face because he is not really a politician.
Why was Trump so mad?
Personally, I am not convinced that Trump's “Birther Movement,” that tried to prove that Obama was not an American citizen and that he was a secret Muslim, was either appropriate or accurate. Ultimately, I do not know.
I fear, however, that many Americans do not understand the underlying motivations for that campaign. The strategy was sensationalist, like the pro wrestler at heart that Trump is, but the means of political attack that Trump employed was not entirely his choice.
Most of the corrupt deals made by the Obama administration with global finance are protected from public scrutiny (even though public funds were used) because the transactions were rendered classified, or because non-disclosure agreements make it impossible to make those actions public. In many cases, secret laws passed by Congress make the discussion of these corrupt actions illegal. The post-Bush age in America is defined by a politics of the unspeakable.
Trump went after Obama over the birther issue, and after Biden over the election fraud, not because it was his necessarily his strongest card, but because it was the only card he was permitted to play, the only thing he could say that the media would report. He made the best of the hand he was dealt.
It was the attitude of Obama on that evening that riled Trump. Obama, a man parachuted into the 2008 presidential campaign out of nowhere to serve the interests of the super-rich, showed obvious contempt for Trump and his supporters.
Trump wanted to nail the slick Obama for his blatant corruption, but he could not.
When Trump condemned foreign wars openly, he was labeled a budding Nazi by the liberal press. Obama, by contrast, hedged his words about foreign interventions so as to avoid offending General Dynamics and had been awarded the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize for embracing American militarism and renouncing his lukewarm critique of the Iraq war.
Running for president as an outsider was the best way to get even, Trump thought to himself, to become the person who replaced that well-groomed toy of financial elites would be the only way to top that roasting. As the French say “La vengeance?est un?plat qui se mange froid” (revenge is a dish best served cold).
Trump knew that if he wanted to win the presidency as an outsider, he would have to tap into the anger boiling up over the corruption in Washington D.C., and the elitist politics of Obama. Part of that response had racist overtones, but much of it did not.
Although Trump had some money, he was a small fish in the increasingly decadent Washington milieu. After he drove back to Trump Hotel after that brutal Obama “roast” he thought about which power players he could get on his side who would be able to match the backing of the investment banks that Democrats (and Republicans) relied on to get them over the top in the money game.
He came up with a list of hungry outsiders who were willing to take a risk on Trump's populist rhetoric, and anti-Washington posture, because they too did not have the political influence that they felt their money deserved. Although there were more, let us identify four important groups of supporters that pushed hard to get Trump on the map, and who did not care about his opposition to free trade or his appeals to the working man.
The four groups, however, did not care about Donald Trump personally, and when he was set up at the end of his presidency to be diagnosed with the bogus “COVID19” and then accused of starting the clown-operated false flag “Capitol Insurrection,” those forces had no interest in helping out.
I suspect that Trump thought that he, like a master surfer, could somehow ride the converging waves that would be unleashed by these powers and drive this “band of rivals” forward so as to achieve something of value while enhancing his own brand.
The following four groups latched onto Trump as a chance to shake up Washington and get their piece of the pie.
1) David and Charles Koch (Koch Industries)
The Koch brothers poured their coal and petroleum billions into funding “libertarian” ideology as a means of hiding the end of the regulation of business under the sheep's skin of personal “freedom.” They paid off in every manner any public intellectual or politician that was willing to take their tempting bait. The result was a massive increase in pollution and the end of environmental policy in the United States.
The Koch brothers were remarkably creative, setting up a devious think tank, the Charles Koch Institute, that seduced various “anti-war” figures with its big funding and media exposure and thereby gave legitimacy to their corporate agenda.
The Koch brothers supported Trump, and introduced him to their lacky Mike Pompeo (who had close ties to the Christian right) in return for a promise from Trump to get the government out of the regulation business and to pursue ludicrous policies regarding climate change. The Koch brothers wanted to get the sort of respect in Washington DC that global players like Exxon and BP were receiving and to muscle in on energy policy previously determined by mainstream corporations.
2) Betsy (Prince) DeVos and Erik Prince
Although the start of Trump's relationship with the Prince family remains opaque, Betsy (Prince) DeVos (married to the heir of the Amway fortune) and her brother Erik Prince (CEO of the private mercenary corporation Academi) latched on to Trump early on and gave him a big push.
Betsy (Prince) DeVos demanded that she be made secretary of education and quickly used that position to destroy public education for the vast majority of Americans as part of a larger plan to both make all education into a for-profit industry and to render much of the population so poorly educated that they would be incapable of opposing the corporate takeover of the country. Trump let her do what she wanted with almost no interference.
Erik Prince demanded a chance to push forward a radical privatization of the military that would allow his mercenary groups to get contracts for work previously limited to the military itself, or to the big-time military contractors. Early support for Trump gave Erik carte blanche for extending his mercenary operations around the world, getting into some serious fights with military officers along the way.
The Princes also linked Trump up with another pillar of the Trump administration,
, the CEO of Renaissance Technologies. The “silent billionaire” Mercer was the financier who backed Steve Bannon's innovative strategies for stirring up support through racist and anti-immigrant reporting at his Breitbart News (mixed with a good dose of truth) and he laid the groundwork for Trump's sudden media takeoff.
3) Casino mogul Sheldon Adelson
Donald Trump had links to Israel through his son-in-law Jared Kushner and through interactions with various Zionist businessmen from way back (including ties to Russia), but he did not take any strong stands on Israeli policy and he received support in his campaign from many Americans who were deeply hostile to Israeli influence in Washington D.C. and who were demanding an investigation into the 9.11 incident.
But Trump's old pal Sheldon Adelson was a man with the deep pockets, the strong connections in Israel and around the world, and the strategic mind necessary to put Trump over the top. Adelson is one of the top dogs in casinos globally and was probably one of the people Trump called up early on. He gave his enthusiastic backing and his phone calls made Trump's bid viable.
Adelson quickly lined Trump with core figures among Christian Zionists who supported the most radical policies of Israel without conditions and set up Mike Pompeo (also linked to the Koch brothers) to be a central policy player. Adelson probably also played a role in introducing to Trump another rising Christian Zionist, Vice President Mike Pence.
Christian Zionist churches across the United States play a critical role in delivering votes and raising money for conservative causes. Trump's willingness to readily embrace the more extreme demands (like the US recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of Israel) of these churches meant that ministers of these churches readily backed him in spite of his multiple marriages and his lax and indulgent style.
Adelson did not spend those hours at his rolodex for nothing. He wanted his pound of flesh and he got it. Trump allowed Pompeo to craft all foreign policy and to override the concerns of other conservative backers who were far more doubtful about this blind embrace of Israel, and especially Adelson's demand for full support in any Israeli military conflict with Iran.
4) The “War with China” lobby
The promotion of military conflicts and the sales of overpriced weapons systems is an exquisitely bipartisan show and even the peacemakers and “socialists” cannot function in Congress without a thumbs up from these big boys. For a total outsider with an unimpressive reputation, and no political experience, there was not much room at the trough for Trump.
A bit of sniffing around, however, revealed that there was one group in the military industrial complex that was extremely unhappy in spite of the bloated defense budget and who were looking for someone to champion their unpopular cause during the Obama years.
That group was the weapons manufactures who supply the big heavy equipment like aircraft carrier groups, fighter planes, nuclear weapons and missile defense systems. Donald's Rumsfeld's “War on Terror” had introduced the dangerous concept of a “revolution in warfare” and much of their big hardware was considered outdated by security experts. Big ships and planes were in danger of ending up in the dust bin of military history. The new focus on intelligence fattened up their rivals and cost them some big military contracts as the Pentagon increasingly mimicked the CIA.
In addition, a push by new upstarts like Boston Robotics to lock them out permanently and make satellites, drones, robots and AI the focus for military spending had them seeing red.
Although these contractors liked Russia as an adversary, only a massive Pacific War with China scenario could justify the piles of hardware that they wanted to produce. No surprise that these groups were pushed over the edge when Obama proposed military-military cooperation with China, including inviting China to participate in the RIMPAC naval exercises in Hawaii.
The “war with China” faction is not a specific corporation or individual. They are large sections of Northrop Grumman, Lockeed Martin, General Dynamics, Raytheon and other contractors who stood to benefit from a return to carrier strike groups, fighter planes and preparations for massive amphibious landings. Those companies also include units who are not interested in that market.
Trump offered to to dump the one-China policy of Nixon in the dustbin of history and to adopt aggressive actions in East Asia that would kick of a “new Cold War.” This group fell in line behind Trump and gave him the security credentials that he had previously lacked.
Trump's achievements
Looking back on the four years of Trump, much of the damage attributed to him was rather the product of natural process of institutional decay that was sped up by the mind-numbing spiritual gangrene that has infected the American political system since the 9.11 incident. Trump must take responsibility for allowing criminal figures like Mike Pompeo to run the show, to strip the government of expertise and to push for war with China and Iran, but Trump was most certainly not the mastermind of what happened.
He felt as he was under house arrest himself at the White House when the big boys got into fights ― and he was keenly aware that the powers that be were more than happy to throw him under the bus ― as the ultimately did ― to achieve their goals.
And yet, as foolhardy as Trump's bid to use these outcasts from the DC banquet of spoils as a means to take control of the Republican Party, and then topple the corrupt system from within may have been, the following efforts suggest that at some level Trump maintained a commitment to setting things right, and that he tried to address issues that other politicians were afraid to touch.
The following Trump actions will not come up at the impeachment trial, but they should.
1) Commitment to 9.11 truth
In his
with Fox 5 News on September 11, 2001, Donald Trump made comments that opened up serious doubts concerning the 9/11 conspiracy theory that Arab terrorists holding paper cutters took down three skyscrapers with two planes. Trump continued address this issue in private and he was not afraid to maintain close ties with 9/11 truth activists.
His willingness, as president of the United States, to tolerate, and even to encourage, the discussion of the scientific problems with the official story of the 9/11 incident was risky for his health and it alienated him from mainstream politicians, Democrat and Republican. His willingness to take on this impossible task represented a sincere loyalty to his supporters ― a solidarity that that he never gave up even as he hobnobbed with the rich and powerful.
2) Trump's demand for the release of classified documents concerning the Kennedy Assassination
Donald Trump used executive orders in October of 2017 in an attempt to force the CIA and the FBI to release all remaining classified documents concerning the Kennedy assassination of 1963. The criminal conspiracy in global finance, industry and government to kill Kennedy is obvious to anyone who has looked into the case even superficially. Yet the Federal Government still refuses to release the remaining documents that will make clear for the world what happened, and exactly who was responsible for what.
Trump's push to get the papers released was not a favor for historians and conspiracy buffs.
The manner in which global finance was able to murder a president in cold blood when he tried to restore accountability to intelligence and to the military (after the entire system went rogue at the end of the Eisenhower administration) produced a slow-growing cancer in the executive branch that has festered ever since. Many institutional problems, such as the inability of any president, or anyone else, to subject the Pentagon or the CIA to a meaningful audit, can be traced back to that sad day in November.
In effect, every American president knows that he can killed with impunity like Kennedy, or publicly humiliated, if he or she dares to hold to the Constitution or to challenge the shadow government of finance.
Trump's act was brave and inspiring and you can be sure that Bernie Sanders or Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, or other darlings of the “left,” would never dare to make such a demand.
3) Addressing the immigration issue head-on and how it is used to destroy the lives of American worker
The vicious attacks (in government and in the streets) on immigrants that were encouraged by the rhetoric pouring forth from the mouth of Donald Trump were cruel and irrational. Such actions should be condemned.
But we can walk and chew gum at the same time as citizens. As offensive and divisive as Trump's rhetoric was at times, we must recognize two critical facts: 1) a series of classified directives and secret laws prevented Trump from talking directly about how the immigration crisis was linked to actions of corporations and investment banks; 2) his Democratic opponents were intimately involved in implementation of immigration as a weapon for class warfare but they were never called on this point by so-called “progressive” public intellectuals.
The immigration rush from Central and South America to the United States was a result of the cynical efforts of multinational banks (many, but not all, American) to destroy the local economies of those countries and to devastate agriculture and crafts through a ruthless free trade, free investment scheme combined with cash payments to politicians in that region to play stupid.
The working people of Latin America did not have any choice but to try to go to the United States.
At the same time, multinational banks and corporations used immigration policy as part of a strategy to destroy the economic and social foundations of life for the American worker, rendering him a helpless pawn in their push for a new form of slavery. The Democrats were oddly silent on this greater conspiracy and Trump was right to address the deliberate policy to destroy America through immigration.
Secret laws and classified directives made it impossible to discuss these brutal policies in the American media. When Trump took the unusual step of actually addressing this form of class warfare via immigration he was forced by circumstances to describe it using caricatures that appealed to racist ideology.
As horrific as his language may have been, he deserves credit for drawing attention to the issue.
4) Attacking the free trade regime and voicing support for workers
Trump was the only candidate in the presidential campaign to address directly the manner in which the promotion of “free trade” regimes has been employed by the rich as a means to destroy the economic foundations of life for most Americans. He was roundly condemned for undermining America's commitment to global trade agreements and to financial treaties. Conservatives, progressives and everyone in between was happy to take a stab. But as enraging as his rhetoric may have been, Trump was identifying a real criminal conspiracy of the rich around the world to create massive economic misery through trade.
The progressive Democratic politicians who claimed to be concerned about working people rarely hesitated to vote for free trade agreements. They pretended that these agreements would help ordinary people when they knew full-well that they were for the benefit of multinational corporations. Trump stood virtually alone in condemning the trade scam.
5) Open opposition to the COVID-19 mask mandate, to economic lockdown and to vaccine regime
Donald Trump made numerous attempts to question from the office of the president the promotion of the bogus COVID-19 pandemic from January, 2020 as a national disaster, the insistence on the mandatory wearing of masks without any scientific basis and the nonsensical demands for an economic lockdown on the economy and the shutting down of public buildings and of schools. He ended up one of the few politicians willing to take such a position and as a result he gained support in the presidential election from African Americans and other groups who would normally never have supported a Republican.
When he questioned the need for the dangerous COVID19 “vaccines” promoted by multinational pharmaceutical corporations that contain destructive mRNA and a variety of tracers and sensors embedded in DARPA hydrogel, Trump was heroic. Although he took an anti-science stance when he questioned climate change in response to the demands of the Koch brothers, he was 100% supported by the science, and by numerous scientists, in the case of COVID19.
The result? Trump was subject to attacks from every side in the corrupt media for his commonsense statements. The darlings of the Democratic “left” rushed to embrace the corporate puppet Anthony Fauci when he attacked Trump for not shutting down the economy and promoting harmful “vaccines.”
Moreover, when Trump was forced to endorse vaccines, he gave speeches in which he spoke of a “warp drive” project to develop vaccines in months that would normally have taken years or decades.
Trump praised this vaccine in a pointedly exaggerated manner as a means of telegraphing the truth the people about the true nature of vaccine in spite of the barriers to dissemination of information in Washington D.C. Such a move was ingenious and brave ― but of course mocked in the media.
6) Support for an open discussion about criminal conspiracies in US
The transformation of progressive sources of journalism like the Nation and Counterpunch into puppet shows where corporate power dresses up its fictions in the used clothing of the American leftist tradition is a tragedy of epic proportions. We witness a pathetic discourse on politics in which the “left” acts as a trained lapdog unable to speak about any of the real conspiracies such as the massive theft of trillions from the Federal Reserve or the promotion of dangerous “vaccines.”
It is to Donald Trump's credit that he had the bravery to actively engage in an open discussion with those demanding an investigation into the criminal conspiracies taking place in America today, and that he encouraged a fundamental questioning of the role of government and of corporations.
Specifically, Trump was attacked from all corners for his connections to believers in the “cult” of QAnon.
QAnon is an insider who leaks information about criminal actions at the highest levels of government. If you do a search for QAnon, you will find articles that condemn him as a fraudulent conspiracy peddler, that denounce his racist and isolationist positions, but you will not see QAnon's texts quoted so that the reader can judge for himself. No one is interested in sorting out what part of QAnon is true.
None of the newspapers even gives the website address of QAnon: qanon.pub. Wikipedia dismisses QAnon as “QAnon is a disproven and discredited far-right conspiracy theory alleging that a secret cabal of Satan-worshipping, cannibalistic pedophiles is running a global child sex-trafficking ring and plotting against former U.S. President Donald Trump, who has been fighting the cabal. According to U.S. prosecutors, QAnon is commonly called a cult.”
The assumption that mainstream Democrats (and Republicans) cannot be linked to prostitution and pedophilia easily proven false. For that matter, no mainstream politician has tried to discredit QAnon by launching international scientific investigations into the claims he makes about the 9/11 incident or the COVID19 scam.
Inaccuracies in QAnon and other sites relating details of the current criminal regime in Washington D.C. are real. QAnon's significant inaccuracies are a problem, but not a greater problem than the blatant fictions in the New York Times and Washington Post.
In any case, Trump's willingness as president to take on massive conspiracies is a necessary first step, and much to his credit.
7) Questioning the legitimacy of the election
We are told over and over again that Biden won the election in a fair and transparent manner and that Trump's efforts to contest the election are selfish and corrupt. This narrative is a massive fraud.
It is unclear who won that election, or whether we can even refer to that spectacle as an election at all. But whether or not Trump won or lost, we should be delighted that he is the first candidate who was willing to stand up against the massive manipulation of the vote by corporate powers. We can only wish that Al Gore or John Kerry, or Bernie Sanders, or many others, had had the guts to stand up and refuse to accept the bogus elections that are forced on us.
The 2020 election was fixed from the start. The financial powers that run the United States put out a series of classified directives, and had the Congress pass secret laws that determined who the candidates would be and what topics could, or could not, be discussed.
It is no secret that the Biden camp used every tool in the toolbox of dirty tricks to secure the Democratic nomination, including manipulating the vote in the primaries to secure a victory over Bernie Sanders.
Why would anyone assume then that the Biden team would not manipulate the vote in a similar manner in the general election ― especially in light of the support he received from neoconservatives close to the Bush clan?
In egregious cases like the sudden swing to Biden in Pennsylvania, progressives concerned with the democratic process should have demanded an international investigation that would have documented in a transparent manner the details of the vote. No Democrats have called for even reinstatement of exit polls.
It was to his credit, and not a sign of his selfishness, that Trump refused to concede to the election. The real crime is that the progressives refused to demand a real investigation of the results of the election and that they then threw themselves at the feet of Biden as if he were the reincarnation of Robert Kennedy.
8) Condemnation of endless foreign wars as a sitting American president
You know you are in the Twilight Zone when progressives who fall all over themselves to condemn Trump for racism and war mongering then fall silent when he, as a sitting president of the United States, condemned the criminal “forever wars” of the last twenty years and attacked the for-profit procurement system for weapons.
Trump
September 7, 2020 condemning the foreign wars, and denouncing war profiteers, went beyond anything you will find coming out of the mouths of Democrats ― and they are not the only such public statement by him as sitting president. He stated:
“With Biden, shipped away our jobs, threw open our borders and sent our youth to fight in these crazy endless wars. And it's one of the reasons the military ― I'm not saying the military is in love with me, the soldiers are. The top people in the Pentagon probably aren't because they want to do nothing but fight wars so that all of those wonderful companies that make the bombs, that make the planes, that make everything else stay happy. But we are getting out of the endless wars.”
He ended his statement, “Let's bring our soldiers back home. Some people don't like to come home. Some people like to continue to spend money. One cold-hearted globalist betrayal after another. That's what it was.”
The entirety of the speech was theatre, and it not entirely accurate, but Trump managed to slip in a critique of the broken system that no other politician was able to do.
In fact, the speech (and others) are the first attack by a sitting president on that systematic corruption since President Eisenhower's
of the “military industrial complex” in his farewell address of January 17, 1961 (almost exactly 60 years ago).
Obama, or Harris, for all their multiculturalism, are incapable of making such a statement because they rose to political power on the backs of private equity and venture capital, organizations that derive much of their power from weapons sales, the promotion of corporation-centered “free trade” agreements and the tearing down all barriers to global capital's rampage around the world.
Furthermore, Trump's own farewell address was pointedly aimed at ordinary soldiers and critical of the political generals who use the military as a means to amass wealth.
His attempt to bond with ordinary soldiers, and to oppose the military profiteers, appears to be a sincere sentiment, and not a political posture.
9) The attempt to nationalize the Federal Reserve
Donald Trump made a serious effort to bring the Federal Reserve Bank of the United States under the control of the Treasury Department and to reign in the use of American debt by global finance for its own purposes.
How successful that effort to control the creation of money is nearly impossible to evaluate because the media is controlled by the same financial institutions that dominate the Federal Reserve system. The reports concerning Trump's efforts are murky and obscure.
Moreover, because financial policy in the Federal Reserve, and in the Treasury Department, is increasingly rendered classified, it is literally impossible to have a serious public discussion on fiscal policy. The topic is off limits.
Bringing in Larry Fink the CEO of BlackRock, a multi-trillion dollar investment firm, to play the central role in the Federal Reserve Bank was at best a Pyrrhic victory.
Trump supporters claim that at least the Rothschilds no longer control the Federal Reserve. I honestly do not know which reports to believe about the status of the Federal Reserve. What is clear, however, is that the theft of trillions from the Federal Reserve last year was a reality, and that Trump did try, perhaps unsuccessfully to do something.
The upcoming show trial of Donald Trump
Trump paid a price for talking about war profiteering and other criminal conspiracies during the election. He was suddenly diagnosed as positive for COVID19 on October 11 and his campaign was shut down at precisely the moment that was starting to make a discussion of criminal conspiracies central to the campaign.
In another words, Washington insiders stopped Trump's reality show by force.
But that was just the beginning of the attack. He was then described in the corporate media as a terrorist leader, like Osama Bin Laden, who incited his racist followers to commit an “armed insurrection.” But the occupation of the Capitol was more of a Laurel and Hardy show than a serious attack or insurrection and multiple reports have raised serious doubts as to what actually transpired. Needless to say, no progressives are asking for an international investigation.
Trump's lawyers will not be able to address any of the unfair attacks on him by the media during the impeachment trial, nor will they be able to present any evidence concerning his contributions to restoring the rule of law in the United States.
Nor will those lawyers be able to demonstrate that the criminal actions that took place during Trump's administration were for the most part the fault of an executive branch that can no longer be controlled by the president. They cannot demonstrate how Trump for this fall as a means to draw attention from Washington's crimes.
All their efforts must go into defending Trump from the accusation that he masterminded the violent armed insurrection in at the Capitol intended to stop the election of Joe Biden as president.
In other words, the door has been opened by this trial to using the full force of the Federal government to treat anyone who questions the vaccine regime, or demand inquiries into conspiracies like 9/11, as a domestic terrorist.
We have an obligation, not just for the sake of Donald Trump, but for the future of our children, to openly condemn this blatantly criminal effort to create an “insurrection” and then to blame it on the president so as to install a president of questionable qualifications.
Trump is part professional wrestler, part gameshow host, part mobster. I would not buy a used car from him, but there is a certain loyalty and decency about him at the same time he plays a ruthless political game. You see in him something of the occasional decency and personal loyalty of the gangster. Perhaps a figure like Trump was not meant to be president, but he was more transparent than the Democrats who prayed in secret at the altar of global finance.
No matter what you may think of his garish taste, his multiple marriages, his sensationalist statements, or of his supporters, Trump took numerous steps to pursue the truth that put him at risk and that deserve our grudging respect.
The views expressed in the article are the author's own and do not reflect the editorial direction of The Korea Times.