Shaking hands with enemy - The Korea Times

Shaking hands with enemy

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One of the biggest divisions in Korean politics revolves around history and the continued failure to agree on what the past represents. Korea Times file

By Bae Sung-eun and David Tizzard

Bae Sung-eun, left, and David Tizzard

Some things in life are beyond ordinary human comprehension: quantum physics, human consciousness, astronomical time and ... Korean politics.

You could be forgiven for thinking it rather easy. The administration led by President Moon Jae-in are the liberals seeking peace with the North; the opposition party, led by Hwang Kyo-ahn, are the conservatives who take a hard-line stance against progress and external foes.

And for some, there is only “one” policy in South Korean politics: the North Korean policy and its two variants, those favorable to Pyongyang (chin-buk-song-hyang) and those opposed to it (ban-buk-song-hyang).

If only it were that simple.

Admittedly, perhaps to many external observers who focus exclusively on the issue, it is. But a far more complex and nuanced battle is taking place ― and it is not too pretty.

One of the more fundamental cleavages in Korean politics revolves around history and the continued failure to agree on what the past represents. To test this yourself, ask someone to which year does the August 15 Independence Day holiday refer.

For many, it symbolizes national liberation from Japanese colonial rule in 1945 (kwangbokch?l); however, there have also been attempts by the right wing to date it to 1948, the founding of the Republic of Korea (k?n’gukch?l).

The Moon administration has also referred to 2019 as the centenary year of modern Korean history, tracing the state's origins to the exiled government in Shanghai in 1919.

Yet if the politicians cannot agree on the past, how can we expect them to come together and decide on the future direction of the nation for a people so deserving of happiness and success.

There is a growing polarization and this has led to a lack of discourse. Less communication then leads to more stagnation, bureaucracy, and the suffering of the citizens. This all leads to the dark side ... without cute baby Yoda memes as a consolation.

The policies carried out by Moon's government have a particular universalist approach. Instead of focusing only on the high or low wage workers, there is a concerted ― and it must be said noble ― effort to level the playing field in Korean society by applying rules for all.

However, the economy is still struggling and a sizable burden is falling on the middle class. This is prompting many to feel less motivated actually to earn money and the possible shrinking of the middle class.

State benefits are at a record high while government collected taxes are at a record low. Meanwhile, the economic and welfare policies for next year remain in a political limbo as the fast-track system occupies much of Korean language headlines.

Initially designed for expedience and to move certain bills through the bureaucracy quickly, it has now come under criticism. People are rightly asking whether it is being used to create a bright future for the people or just to benefit the politicians in charge.

In an ever-changing society, the ability to react quickly is certainly a positive thing and so the fast-track system itself is not the problem. It is how it has been politicized.

The ruling government has adopted a 4+1 system ― gaining support from four of the country's minor parties (Bareunmirae Party, Justice Party, Party for Democracy and Peace, and the New Alternative Party) to achieve the budget and reforms it feels necessary.

The conservatives, however, have been fierce in their opposition to such fast-tracked policies, seeing them as undemocratic and reminiscent of left-wing authoritarian tactics.

Thus we have witnessed main opposition leader Hwang Kyo-ahn having his head shaved and then going on a hunger strike in protest against these moves. While some supported his challenging of the fast-track process and how it might be abused, many of the nation's citizens found his particular tactics old-fashioned, unpersuasive, and behind-the-times.

It is not the 1980s anymore.

Some Koreans suggested that for the good of the country's political health, Moon could have gone out to meet Hwang and offered him his hand. While it would not necessarily settle any of the political disagreements between them, perhaps it could have served to demonstrate to the citizens that discussion and compromise are not only possible, they are desirable for a healthy society.

After all, if the politicians are so polarized that they cannot even discuss issues with each other and are resorting to protests and physical altercations, what message does this send to people struggling in their own lives and with their own problems?

The solution will never be to retreat into safe spaces and echoes of our own views, but rather to confront and engage with the “other” bravely and courageously in as respectful and peaceful a manner as possible.

Although not necessarily a barometer for Asia, events in the West have shown us that relying on twitter or social media for our political views often only leads to a tragic misreading of the zeitgeist. Forever engaging with only our followers and ideological friends, we fail to learn how to engage with other people. We misread reality.

And there are perhaps some lessons to be drawn from that.

A recent Realmeter survey found that the number of citizens willing to support (41 percent) or oppose (26 percent) Moon “until the end” are both increasing over time, demonstrating an intensified polarization among Koreans.

Furthermore, figures show that Moon's support remains highest among those in the 30s, 40s, 50s, as well as the female half of the population. Those opposing him are primarily citizens in their 20s, 60s, and male.

This growing gender and generation gap is also reflected in the Korean media, which no longer tries to hide any partisan proclivities. The Hankyoreh and the Chosun Ilbo have clung firmly to ideological positions vis-a-vis Yoon Seok-yeol, creating even more problems.

The public is not being made aware of both sides of the argument ― they are simply presented with one and told that it is the truth. These glaring omissions of the other's position undermine civil society as well as citizens' trust in the media.

In a Reuters' survey, only 22 percent of people said they trusted the news in South Korea ― a shockingly low number. This has then led to a changing of the media playing field with JTBC News now deemed the most trustworthy ahead of the traditional broadcasters and Youtube becoming one of the main sources of Korean people's news. Youtube?

Even Naver has had to go “Google-like”, its app now presenting users with just a plain search-bar instead of pre-loading and selecting stories amid criticism of its lack of neutrality.

But where does all this lead?

In April 2020, the country will hold major National Assembly elections as politicians compete for 300 seats. In the current climate, with protests, scuffles and lurid accusations, it is likely to be a very unpleasant time.

South Korea has made great social, cultural, and political strides over the past decade, but now ― once more ― its politicians are seemingly unable to work together. If they want to retain the trust of the people, they need to start shaking hands with each other, despite how much they might disagree on certain issues.

If they do not, it is likely that the conflicts happening inside the National Assembly will soon be visible in the streets of the capital.

Surely the citizens deserve better. Surely the politicians can do better.

Bae Sung-eun studies Economics at Seoul Women's University David Tizzard (datizzard@swu.ac.kr) is an assistant professor at Seoul Women's University. He also presents economic and cultural issues on "Business Now" on TBS eFM (101.3FM) live every Wednesday from 6:30 p.m. to 7:30 p.m.

David A. Tizzard

David Tizzard is a professor at Seoul Women’s University, holds a PhD in Korean Studies, and hosts the Korea Deconstructed podcast. He has lived and worked in Seoul for more than two decades. Reach him at datizzard@swu.ac.kr.

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