Koreans take back their country. Americans will too
By Stephen Costello
WASHINGTON, D.C. ― The descent into paralysis of the U.S. political system is not something most Koreans are likely to spend time following. There are far more pressing things at home to do. Put the economy on a stronger, more sustainable path. Develop modern energy and climate policies.
Prepare the military for a post-DPRK-crisis posture. Figure out what priorities a middle power in Northeast Asia should have. Modernize the U.S.-ROK alliance. Similarly, Americans have little time to focus on Korean domestic developments.
And yet. And yet.
It's hard to read about the dramatic battles ― with ideology at their core ― at the Korean Constitutional Court, and not see a reflection of the U.S.'s own crippled highest court.
It's hard to watch the behavior of conservatives in the National Assembly, refusing to accompany the South Korean President to the first, second or third inter-Korean summits (2000, 2007, 2018), or to endorse the Panmunjeom Declaration (April 2018); without seeing a reflection of U.S. conservative's rejection of the nuclear agreements with North Korea and Iran (1994, 2015).
And it's hard to see Lee Myung-bak, the fourth South Korean former president to be sentenced to jail on corruption charges (this month), without questioning how today's corrupt U.S. president and other high officials have continued to escape accountability. Lee was sentenced to 15 years in jail after his successor, impeached President Park Geun-hye, was given a 33-year prison term on corruption and power abuse charges.
The most astounding reflection of all is to try to digest the meaning and the accomplishments of the candlelit protests across Korea against President Park in the winter of 2016-17.
Those protests ― peaceful, often joyous, engaged broad swaths of the public. They first targeted the National Assembly to be sure it voted for the impeachment motion for Park, then targeted the Constitutional Court to be sure it did its duty to vote the president out.
At that time, both the legislature and the court had been locked in a battle for institutional independence and democratic legitimacy while quasi-authoritarians Lee and Park held the Blue House for nine years. Both would likely have avoided votes against Park were it not for the million people who came out to demonstrate.
For an American today, that recent history provides a lot to think about.
Watching from the other side of the world, I knew little about the civic organizations behind the protests. I did, however, meet a determined and very well-organized Park Won-soon in his office near the Blue House 20 years ago.
Park had a big hand in enlarging and professionalizing the civic sector in Korea, before he started a few public-interest foundations and before he became mayor of Seoul seven years ago. His history is a reminder of how consistently activists have organized to support democracy, human rights and social justice in Korea over the years.
Two years ago I met a group of civic leaders engaged in making sure that the candlelit movement had a strong and lasting impact on the next Korean president, whoever that was. They also sent a delegation to Washington and New York to make their points to the U.S. government and to the U.N.
To my humble surprise I discovered that we had been working in tandem for over 25 years. Their experience promoting South Korean human rights and democracy ― even from an office three miles from my home ― instantly made us co-conspirators. We knew many of the same people.
Among their heroes is my old friend Kim Guen-tae, a student leader, prisoner and democratic lawmaker until his early death in 2011. While visiting the National Assemblymen in their offices this year I have noticed again and again that as often as I see a photo of Kim Dae-jung, there is also one of Kim Guen-tae.
More Americans should know his story, because he is a rock-solid anchor ― younger, and with a different but parallel history to Kim DJ ― for a new generation of savvy, modern and moderate progressives who now hold power in the two main democratic parties.
I point this out to underscore how lucky and deeply resilient the modern protectors of Korea's young democracy are. I am in awe of them. One is also an urban farmer who produces the most delicious baby lettuce I have ever had. Organized as the June 15 Committee (in honor of the June 15, 2000, breakthrough North-South summit) they visited the U.N. during the 27th General Assembly two weeks ago.
Here in the face of multiple institutional failures ― which have been accumulating for decades ― American activists are now drawing on our own long history of organizing and protesting. Hundreds have been arrested in past days protesting against the Kavanaugh confirmation to the Supreme Court.
One gets the feeling the push-back against our own broken systems is only beginning to build up steam. It will take some time and it won't be pretty, but I hope we will take some strength and inspiration from our fellow democrats in Korea.
In both Korea and the U.S., we are way past the normal, within-the-boundaries left vs. right policy debates. Today's battles have fundamentally put the modern, democratic, public interest up against backward-looking, divisive power groups who are using myths to manipulate voters.
Having done the heavy lifting of ejecting a corrupt president and allowing a non-ideological and competent government to be elected, Korean activists are keeping vigil.
We should not only take note of this and learn any lessons we can, but we should get to know them better. After all, we've been through quite a lot together in just the past 70 years, and Americans now have our own heavy lifting to do.
Stephen Costello (scost55@gmail.com) managed the Kim Dae Jung Peace Foundation Washington office in the 1990s. He directed the Korea program at the Atlantic Council there from 1999 to 2004. He now directs AsiaEast.Org, a policy initiative focused on security, development and politics in Northeast Asia. He writes from Washington and Seoul.