Still Poles Apart
By Frank Ching
The latest meeting between representatives of the Dalai Lama and those of the Chinese government in July 1-2 saw a slight softening of Beijing's position, but also exposed a wide gulf between the two sides on the purpose of the talks.
Du Qinglin, head of the Communist Party's United Front Work Department, told the Dalai Lama's representatives that the Tibetan spiritual leader should promise ``not to support activities to disturb the upcoming Beijing Olympics Games, not to support plots to fan violent criminal activities, not to support and concretely curb the violent terrorist activities of the Tibetan Youth Congress and not to support any argument and activity to seek Tibetan independence."
Previously, Beijing had assumed the Dalai Lama's guilt and told him to ``stop activities aimed at splitting China, stop plotting and inciting violence and stop disrupting and sabotaging the Beijing Olympic Games."
But the two sides remain far apart on a basic issue: why they are talking. A statement issued Saturday by Lodi Gyari, the Dalai Lama's chief representative, said: ``Throughout our talks we have reiterated to our counterparts that the issue at hand is the welfare of the Tibetan people and is not about the personal status and affairs of His Holiness the Dalai Lama or that of the Tibetans in exile"
But the next day a Chinese spokesman spelled out a diametrically opposed view, saying: ``The contacts and dialogues were about Dalai Lama's personal future, not so-called 'China-Tibet negotiation' or 'dialogue between Han and Tibetan people.'"
The only agreement reached was that they would meet again ― after the Olympics.
This represents a victory of sorts for Beijing. After the Lhasa riots in March, great pressure was brought to bear by the international community for China to talk to the Dalai Lama. Now that two meetings have been held, such pressure has receded.
The Dalai Lama's camp is clearly disappointed with the talks. ``There is a growing perception among the Tibetans, among friends of Tibet ... that the whole tactic of the Chinese government in engaging us is to stall for time," Gyari said in his statement. ``My colleague and I told our Chinese counterpart candidly that we ourselves are beginning to inch towards this school of thought."
But since the dialogue process began in 2002 ― long before any talk of an Olympics boycott ― Beijing evidently sees some value in continuing the discussions.
Even the differences over the purpose of the talks can be bridged. After all, there can be no settlement of the Tibet issue without a resolution on the role of the Dalai Lama. Similarly, the Dalai Lama will not agree to return to China without an understanding on how Beijing's Tibetan policies will change. The two issues are inseparable.
The danger is that Beijing may have decided that it does not need the Dalai Lama, who turned 73 on Sunday and who may not be around for much longer.
But this would be a mistake. The Dalai Lama's demise will in fact make the problems much more acute for China since his is a voice of moderation. His death will result in the rise of radical Tibetan elements that want full independence, not just autonomy.
A hint of Chinese awareness of the value of the Dalai Lama can be discerned in China's list of ``do not support." The call on the Dalai Lama to ``curb the violent terrorist activities of the Tibetan Youth Congress" as well as ``not to support any argument and activity to seek Tibetan independence" shows that Beijing no longer equates him with more radical elements and does not call them part of the ``Dalai clique."
Gyari, in his statement, declared that no one needs to urge ``His Holiness not to support violence, terrorism and sabotaging the Olympics." Still, there is progress in that Beijing no longer accuses the Dalai Lama of having instigated the recent violence in Tibet.
Gyari added that the Chinese side ``expressed the view that the dialogue process has been productive and that we need to keep in mind that a half-a-century-old issue of great complexity cannot be resolved in a matter of years."
This suggests a willingness to continue talking, perhaps for many more years. If so, that is a positive development showing that Beijing recognizes that the continuing presence of the Dalai Lama provides a window of opportunity to make progress on the Tibetan issue. The window will close upon his death. China should understand that while the issues are, there is a need to reach an accord while there is still time.