[INTERVIEW] Unequal partners: How Russia-NK alliance can disrupt global security, supply chains - The Korea Times

INTERVIEW Unequal partners: How Russia-NK alliance can disrupt global security, supply chains

Russian President Vladimir Putin, Chinese President Xi Jinping, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and other heads of foreign delegations emerge onto a rostrum at Tiananmen Square in Beijing, Sept. 3. UPI-Yonhap

Russian President Vladimir Putin, Chinese President Xi Jinping, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and other heads of foreign delegations emerge onto a rostrum at Tiananmen Square in Beijing, Sept. 3. UPI-Yonhap

North Korea’s growing military partnership with Russia has emerged as a serious global security concern since it began in 2023. For Russia, facing shortages of artillery amid its prolonged war against Ukraine, North Korea has become a crucial supplier of conventional weapons. In return, Pyongyang has benefited financially and gained valuable battlefield insights.

Through direct combat deployment, North Korea has not only earned hard currency but also acquired firsthand experience in modern warfare, enabling it to enhance the precision and effectiveness of its weapons systems.

What initially appeared to be a mutually beneficial deal between two authoritarian regimes is now widely seen as a destabilizing force for regional security.

Yet, experts caution that a subtler but equally dangerous consequence of the Russia-North Korea alliance is its potential to disrupt global supply chains. If left unchecked, the partnership could inflict lasting damage on global trade flows, warns Olena Guseinova, a lecturer at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies in Seoul.

“Maritime routes through the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait handle much of Europe’s trade in semiconductors, rare earth elements and advanced electronics,” Guseinova explained in a recent interview with The Korea Times. “Meanwhile, South Korea, Japan and Taiwan supply critical inputs such as microchips, precision optics and battery components for European industries.”

Olena Guseinova

Guseinova urged stronger cooperation between South Korea and the European Union to mitigate potential disruptions to these vital trade routes.

The strengthening relationship between North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and Russian President Vladimir Putin has been showcased in a series of summits and public appearances, including the widely watched Victory Day parade in Beijing earlier this month. Kim’s elevated diplomatic visibility alongside Chinese President Xi Jinping and Putin symbolized a growing trilateral alliance of autocratic nations countering the democratic coalition of South Korea, the U.S. and Japan.

Despite this high-profile partnership, Guseinova argues that the relationship is deeply imbalanced.

In a policy report titled “Unequal Partnership: North Korea’s Uneven Bargain with Russia,” published last week and funded by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom Korea, Guseinova outlined a stark disparity in the value of exchanges between the two nations.

“Since 2023, North Korea has delivered arms worth an estimated $5.6 billion to $9.8 billion to Russia,” she wrote. “These shipments include millions of artillery shells, mortar rounds and rockets, hundreds of artillery pieces and launchers, short-range ballistic missiles, as well as the deployment of roughly 15,000 North Korean soldiers.”

In contrast, the estimated value of what North Korea received in return is significantly lower — ranging from $457 million to $1.19 billion. Russia’s contributions have primarily consisted of food, oil, basic air defense systems and possibly fighter aircraft. According to the report, Moscow has been cautious in sharing sensitive military technology, limiting its support to basic provisions and lower-tier systems.

This raises a crucial question: Why does North Korea continue to sustain a relationship in which it appears to be shortchanged?

Guseinova attributes this to Pyongyang’s pursuit of political, rather than purely economic or technological, gains. “Thanks to its ties with Russia, North Korea has broken out of international isolation and bolstered the prestige of the Kim regime,” she said.

The heightened international attention — especially from South Korea, the U.S. and Japan — has served to elevate Kim’s profile on the global stage. From media frenzy surrounding the 2023 and 2024 Putin-Kim summits to photo ops with world leaders, Kim has reaped diplomatic dividends even as material gains have remained limited.

Beyond prestige, the military partnership offers practical benefits. “Gaining firsthand experience in how these arms are deployed and managed on the battlefield has become crucial,” Guseinova explained. “This not only helps North Korea assess weapon effectiveness but also aids in mastering their operation. As long as the war continues, Kim is likely to tolerate Russia’s sluggish reciprocation, as operational gains and potential access to advanced technology remain attractive.”

More importantly, Guseinova highlights that this cooperation presents a shared security threat to both South Korea and the European Union.

“The deployment of North Korean ballistic missiles increases risks to Ukrainian infrastructure and civilians, and heightens the possibility of spillover into NATO territory,” she warned. “This dynamic also imposes an additional air defense burden on Europe, which must now expand stockpiles and invest in new systems.”

Guseinova, who was born and raised in Ukraine, earned her bachelor’s degree in international relations before she came to South Korea to study. She completed her Ph.D. in international relations at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies.

Kang Hyun-kyung

I am an editorial writer at The Korea Times, focusing on foreign policy, North Korea and domestic politics. My key areas of interest include North Korea, foreign interference in elections, election integrity, cyberattacks and human rights. Prior to joining the Editorial Board, I served as both Politics Desk editor and Culture Desk editor. During my career, I have reported on the Presidential Office under the Lee Myung-bak administration, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the National Assembly.

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