Broadcaster in Trouble

Media Without Criticism Is Biggest Threat to Democracy

MBC President Ohm Ki-young resigned Monday, becoming the last of the three public broadcaster chiefs forced ― directly or indirectly ― to step down since the incumbent administration took office.

What ostensibly triggered Ohm's resignation was the veto of his choices for key posts by MBC's largest shareholder, the government-controlled Foundation for Broadcast Culture, which instead announced its own personnel lineup, virtually incapacitating the already beleaguered reporter-turned-CEO.

Despite Ohm's wide popularity as MBC's most famous and longest-serving anchor, it's impossible to fully know about his capacity and propensity as a top manager. What we do know, however, is he was told at least twice to leave the post by President Lee Myung-bak's closest aides ― Lee's broadcasting czar, Choi See-joong, and the President's senior secretary for public relations, Lee Dong-kwan.

One of the main reasons for this political pressure was what has now become a very famous ― or infamous ― program on the dangers of mad cow disease in tainted U.S. beef by MBC's ``PD Notebook," a 60 Minute-style news documentary format.

This page has pointed out, more than a few times, that there were some problems in the controversial program, such as mistranslation or too broad an interpretation of foreign interviewee's replies, lack of equilibrium in handling news material and some political intention, all of which can be summed up as ``poor gate-keeping." As to the question of whether these should be reasons for the prosecution of its producers, however, both a majority of audiences and a judge clearly said, "No."

It was also problematic that the same producing staff aired a self-justifying program in the wake of the not-guilty verdict at a district court, not least because public prosecutors were bringing the case to a higher court. Again, however, this can hardly justify the foundation's virtual inducement of the resignation of Ohm after keeping him at the post less than two months ago.

All this only deepens widespread popular suspicion that the Lee administration cannot stand criticism especially from media outlets under its own control, nor any remnants of progressives within them inherited from what it says as a ``lost decade" under left-leaning predecessors.

Nor do we hope the government's seemingly abrupt change of mind with respect to the position of MBC president is related with assuring a victory in the upcoming local polls for the governing Grand National Party, which has been reeling from President Lee's eating his own words with respect to the construction of an administrative city.

People will be able to confirm these in a few months if the foundation appoints a new MBC chief from among one of President's former media advisors or at least ones to his ideological liking.

The ``PD Notebook" case should serve as a stern reminder of the media's basic responsibility of always remaining fair and objective in judgment as well as meticulous in the confirmation of facts. If forced to confess how strict the domestic media outlets have been in keeping this foremost principle, however, few would say so with confidence.

That said, President Lee and his aides are urged to oppress their temptation to tame all critical media whenever possible. What does it say when Korea's ranking in the press freedom index fell to 69th place last year from 39th in the final year of the Roh Moo-hyun administration? The Reporters Without Border, which compiled the ranking, cited the reason that ``Seoul no longer hesitates to arrest journalists by taking issue with news reports."

This is a shame which Korea might have deserved at least three decades ago.