Upgrading Korea's election system

Lee Jong-eun
On June 3, Korea held its local elections. The election procedures, however, became subject to widespread public outrage over the National Election Commission’s (NEC) mismanagement, including insufficient ballots at multiple polling stations. For more than a week, crowds of mostly young people gathered in Seoul to protest, with some even demanding a new election. Political figures have also weighed in on the controversy. Some have used the controversy to spread election conspiracy theories. Many others have called for government audits or special prosecutor investigations into the NEC to restore public trust in election administration.
Beyond overhauling the NEC’s operations, broader policy debates will likely arise from the ongoing controversy regarding reform of election and campaign procedures. As a professor who teaches courses on U.S. politics and elections, I compare how elections are conducted in Korea and the United States. Such a comparison may help Koreans evaluate both the strengths and limitations of their current election system.
Korea establishes a fixed time frame for election campaigns. Posting campaign banners on the streets or holding public rallies is permitted only during the official campaign period. Candidates convicted of premature campaigning may face legal consequences. The intention is to mitigate voter fatigue from prolonged campaigns. The disadvantage, however, is that a short campaign period, usually lasting less than two weeks, creates challenges for lesser-known candidates trying to build public recognition.
In contrast, the United States does not have an official campaign period. It is common to see candidates’ advertisements or yard signs months, or even more than a year, before Election Day. In many states, political parties hold primaries months before the election to enable their nominated candidates to run lengthy general-election campaigns.
Korea also has stricter campaign finance rules. Prior to candidate registration, prospective candidates must submit a financial deposit to the NEC. The deposit is fully returned if a candidate wins more than 15 percent of the vote in the election. Candidates must also adhere to restrictions on fundraising, as well as a cap on campaign spending. The NEC provides financial grants for political parties with seats in the National Assembly and full campaign reimbursements for individual candidates who win at least 15 percent of the vote in the election. Although these rules were created to curb excessive campaign spending, they have also been criticized for falling short in supporting minor parties and lesser-known candidates.
In the U.S., many states require a filing fee for candidate registration but provide a waiver through the submission of a petition with the required number of voter signatures. Rather than offering reimbursements, some states and cities provide public matching funds to supplement individual candidates’ private fundraising. The U.S. Supreme Court has also issued key rulings that have lifted limits on campaign spending and loosened restrictions on fundraising. One negative consequence has been the exponential increase in campaign spending. Defenders of the U.S. system, however, have pointed to the success of candidates such as Barack Obama and Zohran Mamdani, who used extensive networks of private donations to boost their campaigns.
Korea imposes a “poll blackout” period for six days before Election Day. The intention is to prevent voters from being influenced by a “bandwagon effect” or discouraged from voting because of the final week’s polls. However, during the blackout period, voters may instead encounter unsubstantiated or mischaracterized claims about election trends. Another criticism is that, because early voting is held several days before Election Day, many voters may still be influenced by the most recent polls. The United States by contrast, does not impose a blackout period for election polls.
With few exceptions, Koreans vote either on Election Day, which is a national holiday, or during the two early voting days. A voter may vote at any polling station during the early voting period, as early voting ballots are delivered to their respective polling stations. In the U.S., Election Day is not a national holiday. Instead, most U.S. states provide at least 10 days of early voting. The difference from Korea is that U.S. voters can vote only in their registered county during the early voting period. Many U.S. states also allow citizens to vote by mail, either through the postal service or by using designated ballot drop boxes.
Finally, Korean voters receive paper ballots and use stamps to indicate their candidate choices. The ballots are counted by vote counting machines. A vote recount takes place only in the case of a legal challenge to the results. In the U.S., multiple states give voters the option to use a touch-screen machine to vote and then print their ballots. Usually, the printed ballots are then counted by electronic scanners. Some states require an automatic ballot recount in the case of very close results.
The political outcry over Korea’s NEC is justified in demanding greater accountability and improved performance in election administration. Beyond the NEC’s structural reform, a broader discussion of election and campaign procedures would further enhance the efficiency, transparency, and fairness of Korea’s elections. On issues such as the length of the permitted campaign period, regulations and public assistance for campaign spending, voting methods, ballot counting and election audits, comparison with U.S. election procedures may provide useful insights for upgrading Korea’s election system.
A fair, efficient election is integral to a political democracy. Regretfully, public dissatisfaction and distrust of the election process have spurred political unrest and extremism in multiple democracies. Amidst the current political controversy, Korea faces not only a challenge but also an opportunity: to refine its election system and set an example for other democracies.
Lee Jong-eun (Jong.Lee@ngu.edu) is an assistant professor of political science at North Greenville University. Prior to this, he served as a South Korean Air Force intelligence officer.