Spirit of law takes hold

Korea's Constitutional Court upheld the impeachment on President Yoon Suk Yeol, ending more than 120 days of crisis after Yoon's short-lived martial law on Dec. 3. The verdict now puts Korea on a course to elect a new president within 60 days. The nation must carry forward the lessons of the past four months, which were marked by anguish, learning and awakening. Here is how Korea watchers reviewed the past four months. — Ed.

Michael Breen: To a law-based democracy

The ruling from the Constitutional Court to uphold the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol marks a historic moment in the dramatic story of Korea's democracy. Most significantly, it represents an upgrade from a power-driven form of democracy to a law-based one.

The entire nation waited with bated breath for the decision on Friday morning.

Frankly, we are so accustomed to political power, either in the form of popular pressure or top-down interference, influencing institutional decision-making that nobody was really sure which way it would go. An estimated 60 percent hoped for the result that eventually came, but a significant sector of society hoped Yoon would be returned to office.

While each side may consider the other to be completely in the wrong, we should all be grateful for the strong support demonstrated by both right and left, for it prevented the formation of any type of unified people power, known as "minshim" in Korea, from pressuring the court.

The result is that the law-based reasoning underlying the court's verdict was very clear. The fact it was unanimous made it even more so. This makes it understandable and therefore acceptable to both sides. It should be welcomed by all so that the country may now direct its political energies toward the upcoming presidential election.

Michael Breen (mike.breen@insightcomms.com) is the author of "The New Koreans.”

Eugene Lee: Test of republic's democratic soul

What unfolded within the Constitutional Court may well have been the most important moment in Korea’s contemporary history. This is not a fluke of fate or a political accident—it is the culmination of deeper, long-ignored fractures within our system. The roots of this upheaval stretch back decades, if not a century, and addressing them now will require more than courage; it will demand unwavering national resolve.

If we truly seek a different future — for all citizens, and for the Republic itself — then we must confront these problems without delay or denial. The court’s ruling does not merely define Yoon’s fate; it will cast a long shadow over the moral and institutional direction of the nation. This moment is a warning — not only to Yoon, but to every citizen, and especially to those who hold power — it has to be for people. To us — it is a signal to act guided by the right principles.

Whether this episode becomes a national wound or a turning point for renewal is up to us. What we have witnessed over the past months was neither inevitable nor excusable. It should not have happened. And yet, it did — costing us time, trust, and opportunity.

The world has moved on. So must Korea. We must adopt a new stance, guided by the right traditions and principles, not expediency.

Ultimately, the gravity of this period does not rest only on the court’s decision, but on how we respond— as a society, as institutions, and as individuals. One thing is certain: Yoon's presidency has been irreversibly transformed. The impeachment and all consecutive events are already etched into history—not merely as a legal event, but as a defining test of the Republic’s democratic soul.

Eugene Lee (mreulee@gmail.com) is a lecturing professor at the Graduate School of Governance at Sungkyunkwan University in Seoul. Specializing in international relations and governance, his research and teaching focus on national and regional security, international development, government policies and Northeast and Central Asia.

Andrew Salmon: Crisis mastered. Now, how to dissolve bipartisan political and public polarization?

Korea has mastered a months-long political crisis with flying colors. Bar one court invasion that resulted in minor damage and a handful of injuries, a potentially incendiary drama has passed (at time of writing) without significant violence.

The rule of law – and, perhaps more importantly, the overall decency of a citizenry that favors noisy demonstrations, but does not resort to fists and boots – held.

In what was essentially a battle between legislature and executive, the key learning is apparent. The "Imperial Presidency" is dead; the victor in the struggle, the National Assembly, holds the whip. Future presidents, take note.

A core task of the next president is clear: Reach out to the opposition and act inclusively. In a historically opposed two-party democracy that operates within a two-center power structure – legislature and executive – that would be alien behavior. But given the depth of national polarization, it is essential. A larger problem persists: How to reduce bipartisanship and bilateralism in Korean politics. One path forward is presented by fellow democracies including France, Japan, the United States and Britain. Korea’s legislature is unicameral. Should it consider adding an Upper House?

Andrew Salmon is Asia editor for The Washington Times.

Mason Richey: Compromise and introspection

Korea's task now is to tack toward greater unity, beginning with the upcoming snap election. Although it will be difficult, and I unfortunately don't expect it will happen, both leading parties — the PPP and the DP — have a responsibility to humbly accept the judgment, refrain from inflaming public sentiment and carry out an orderly candidate selection process based on an honest, forward-looking debate that prioritizes solidifying Korean democracy, compromising with political adversaries, rebuilding public trust in political institutions, incentivizing fair economic growth and ensuring strong national defense and foreign policy.

Whoever the candidates are for both parties, they should avoid instrumentalizing Yoon's impeachment during the election. And whoever wins the election should focus on creating national unity, not engaging in mandate overreach. The Korean people also have a role to play — as the saying goes, in democracies people get the government they deserve. Koreans should practice some introspection into why their political class is, frankly, terrible.

From corruption to abuse of power to martial law, Koreans have frequently elected awful leaders, and the people bear blame for this also. I would suggest that people stop looking at politics as black or white, life or death. Look closely also at news sources, especially social media, which have clearly produced an echo chamber of conspiracy theorists on both sides. Go outside, touch grass.

Mason Richey is a professor of international politics at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, president of the Korea International Studies Association and editor-in-chief of the Journal of East Asian Affairs.

Lee Jong-eun: Foreign policy visions of next president crucial

Will Yoon’s impeachment outcome be similar to or different from Park Geun-hye’s impeachment in 2017? Ultimately, the outcome was decisive: the court unanimously upheld Yoon’s impeachment, marking the end of his presidency. A new presidential election will be held within 60 days.

The upcoming election campaign will highlight domestic political issues, such as constitutional reform. It is critical, however, that the presidential candidates’ visions and skills in handling foreign policy challenges are also evaluated. The international system is now being shaken at its foundation as the Donald Trump administration endeavors to transform U.S. security alliances, trade policies and even geopolitical alignments. Korea’s next president will have no time to waste in strategizing how to conduct diplomacy with Trump.

Will Korea proactively align with Trump’s foreign policy in the hope of establishing a “special relationship?" Will it keep a low profile, hoping to avoid Trump’s radar while waiting for the eventual return of a “more traditional” U.S. administration? Or will Korea attempt a new security framework — either through collaboration with other frustrated U.S. allies or by making deals with its geopolitical neighbors?

Whichever strategy the next Korean president pursues will have significant consequences for the country’s future. In choosing their next president, Koreans should carefully evaluate each candidate’s foreign policy strategy as well as their ability to implement these strategies.

Lee Jong-eun is an assistant professor of political science at North Greenville University.

Bernard Rowan: Korean democracy still works

Yook has been impeached by the Constitutional Court. This difficult decision follows an extended period of leadup and trial. The events in the rising action have tried the patience of Korean democracy, as supporters and opponents of impeachment have protested and demonstrated their points of view. Yes, an impeachment is a trial for the people, as well as for the impeached official. The divided state of the Korean electorate is mirrored by the impeachment trial and by the state of the current government, a divided government with the legislature controlled by the opposition party.

The event marks the end of the Yoon administration and gives Korea yet another fresh start for her national government. I think one implication is the likelihood of an opposition leader becoming the next President. This will require conservatives in the nation to show patience and respect for the rule of law. Time will tell if this new government, a unified government, will be good for the Korean people.

Another thing the ruling shows is that democracy works in South Korea. Just as prior efforts led to the ousting of military rulers and junta leaders for a democratically elected leader, this impeachment shows that taking autocratic actions like declaring martial law also are subject to the rule of law and democratic processes of transparency and accountability. While I should think and understand that the supporters of Yoon will be very saddened and even angered, their respect for and support of the decision as the rule of law and democracy is very important at this time.

Bernard Rowan is associate provost for contract administration and academic services and professor of political science at Chicago State University. He is a past fellow of the Korea Foundation and a past visiting professor of the School of Local Autonomy, Hanyang University.