John Burton is freelancer writer. He was Korea correspondent of the Financial Times, business editor of Korea JoongAng Daily.
Bright side of Choigate
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By John Burton
Although Koreans are complaining that Choigate has brought the state of the country’s democracy to its lowest point since 1987, there are also reasons for hope that it could trigger important and positive changes.
The fact that hundreds of thousands of Koreas are willing to gather peacefully each Saturday in central Seoul is one indication that the citizens are taking democracy seriously and showing their strong interest in civic affairs and engagement.
The protests also display an increased maturity among both demonstrators and the police. Gone are days of violent confrontation and firing of tear gas barrages. Instead the protests now have a family-friendly festive air and the police are showing professionalism in calmly managing the crowds.
But more importantly, Choigate might finally spell the end of another cult besides that associated with Choi Soon-sil. That is one surrounding Park Chung-hee and the authoritarian economic system that he created and which still lives on in the chaebol dominance of the economy.
The older generation of Koreans who voted for Park Geun-hye out of nostalgia for her father, Park Chung-hee, are now strongly disillusioned, while their children have always been skeptical of the Park myth. That promises a strong current of reformist zeal going forward.
Moreover, the protests may put an end to complaints that Korea’s millennial generation are politically apathetic. What has been particularly inspiring has been the participation of high school and university students in the protests as they witness democracy in action and the need to make government accountable.
The scandal has reflected flaws in current constitution and could prompt significant reforms. What has been revealed is that the impeachment process is highly cumbersome. A presidential resignation, for example, would trigger a new election in 60 days, which many observers believe is too short to mount an effective campaign and might favor status quo candidates.
It is also unclear what happens once two of the judges on the nine-member constitutional court, which will hear the impeachment case, are scheduled to retire in January and March respectively. Can the acting president appoint two new judges or else will the case be heard by the remaining seven members? That would improve Park’s chances of staying in office since it requires six judges to convict her.
More fundamentally, Choigate has raised questions about presidential powers. It has led to suggestions that Korea should adopt a hybrid presidential system along the lines of France, where the president shares power with the prime minister.
Another suggestion is Korea should switch to a system where the prime minister is the chief decision maker and is appointed by the National Assembly, while the president serves a figurehead. This would make the nation’s leader more accountable to public opinion.
Even if the presidential system is retained, the presidential term could be shortened to four years with the possibility of re-election for another four-year term replacing the current mandatory single five-year term.Supporters of this proposal say that it would lead to more effective governance.
The scandal is also likely to provide increase momentum to efforts to curb the power of the chaebol and break the close links between the conglomerates and government following disclosures that the big business groups contributed millions of dollars to the two foundations run by Choi.
The chaebol chieftains have already been subject to a form of ritualistic humiliation by being grilled for eight hours in televised hearings in the National Assembly.
With a leftist candidate likely to become the next president as the ruling conservative party implodes, the new government is expected to introduce new measures or implement more effectively current laws to make the chaebol more accountable by restricting their lobbying activities, strengthening anti-trust enforcement or forcing them to restructure.
Samsung may be already showing the way on this score. Lee Jae-yong, Samsung’s heir apparent, has promised to withdraw from the Federation of Korean Industries, the main lobbying group for big business, and dismantle the group’s central planning office. This follows efforts overseen by him over the past year to slim down the group’s activities and focus on electronics and finance by selling off units in the chemicals and defense sectors, for example. Samsung has also raised the possibility that it will adopt a holding company structure, as demanded by foreign activist shareholders, to make the group more transparent by replacing the current complicated web of cross-holdings.
But a break-up of the chaebol is still unlikely. With the economy faltering due to a slowdown in global trade and the prospect of protectionist measures by the Trump administration in the U.S., Korea may decide that keeping the chaebol structure, with its efficient manufacturing and large investment budgets, may be the only way to retain the country’s export competitiveness.
John Burton, a former Korea correspondent for the Financial Times, is now a Seoul-based independent journalist and media consultant. He can be reached at johnburtonft@yahoo.com.