US-China Difference Over North Korea
By Park Tae-woo
Recent high-level bilateral dialogue between the U.S. and China ended without agreement over the sensitive issue of how to deal with North Korea if the Stalinist country suddenly collapses; this was an expected outcome in terms of their different approaches toward North Korea to secure national interests.
The world has changed so much in that China has emerged in such a short time as a strong enough state to be recognized by the world as a superpower along with the United States.
I cannot but say a few emotional words on this rapid change when I recall a solemn scene in my mind like a movie scene; when Deng Xiaoping's death was imminent, he summoned key members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
When I teach ``international politics in Northeast Asia,'' I have always mentioned this moment of Deng's death. Just before he passed away, he clearly left a meaningful sentence to his key successors of the Chinese Communist Party.
``Don't confront Washington until our nation will have become as strong as the U.S. in all spheres of world affairs, though we are humiliated either by their words or any actions in international society.''
Since that time on, Beijing has rather faithfully stuck to this unofficial diplomatic doctrine. Finally, as of now, at least superficially, they have grown powerful enough to reject the serious offer from the U.S. to ponder upon the possible measures to be taken if the North Korean regime collapses all of a sudden someday.
Even a small child could know why China could not agree to this U.S. offer.
Limited to the Korean reunification issue, the two superpowers have their own different perceptions.
Washington, a typical world model of liberal democracy, clearly hates the brutal, parochial, totalitarian dictatorship of North Korea.
And the U.S. tries to urge the North to accept the open door line and gradually transform itself to be a latecomer case of world liberal democracy, ultimately paving the way for the South-North integration under the full banner of liberal democracy, which means another victory for Washington in history since the end of the Cold War.
On the other hand, Beijing wants North Korea to remain permanently under the direct influence of its hands, even at the cost of North Koreans' painful living conditions under the current brutal dictatorship of the Kim Jong-il regime's oppression ― unprecedented in world history.
How miserable it is to think of many political prisoners' camp existing across North Korea, accommodating more than hundreds of thousands of citizens!
China cannot think of a unified Korea under the direct influence of U.S. military involvement, cultural domination and liberal capitalism that could threaten ``socialism with Chinese characteristics.''
This means a new powerful political wave could blow into Beijing, like influenza, to the very heart of the current CCP power base, watching the people's demands for more political freedom and institutional political reform toward a multiparty system, totally breaking away from the current authoritarian one-party rule.
Thus, it is natural for Washington and Beijing to have different calculations regarding approaches to deal with, and even sanction North Korea's abnormal behavior such as its nuclear brinkmanship, and to agree to bilateral combined measures to be taken in the case of North Korea's sudden collapse.
Actually here lies the key to solve the ever worsening North Korea nuclear problem and the long term issue of reunification on the Korean Peninsula.
We need a more strengthened Korea-U.S. alliance, especially militarily to induce or persuade Beijing to turn to realistic approaches that could possibly change a North Korea full of uncertainties and unpredictability.
Our government aided by the U.S., must develop a very realistic persuading diplomatic logic that can induce China to conclude that North Korea under this kind of political regime can never be favorable to China's national interests in the long-term prospects.
China must play a more active role to make North Korea dismantle all its nuclear programs and facilities in consultation with the U.S. and other six-party members.
China could not be the permanent supporter of North Korea behind the scenes this way.
China had better think of another option to replace the current Kim family totalitarianism in North Korea with a more moderate, and practical regime. China must open its own eyes to look farther into future world trends.
Dr. Park Tae-woo is a visiting professor at the department of diplomacy, National Chengchi University in Taiwan. He also serves as secretary-general of Democratic Pacific Union, Korea Chapter. He actively joins diplomatic activities as honorary consul of East Timor in Korea. He can be reached at t517@naver.com.