By Lee Seong-hyon
Donald Trump has been denied a second term; and there was a collective sigh of relief among Washington's Asian allies. Yet it's premature to expect everything to go back to "normal" so that we can all sing "We are the world" together. Biden's election did not end the American "democratic crisis."
In just four years under Trump, America has changed so much, like a character in a Marvel movie. It's unclear whether the United States will swiftly reclaim its former self, the one that we once knew, and it will likely be an arduous process of healing and reclamation.
Trump was a transitional leader. But he transformed America, exposing how fragile American democracy can be. That was a wake-up call for many observers. And a lot of Biden's foreign policy success, especially in alliances and China, will hinge upon whether he can put the house back in order and fix a ruptured democracy at home.
Biden's supporters are people who created a weak alliance and united for the purpose of beating Trump in the election. Even though they are under the same "Democratic Party" roof, there are deep factional divisions among them. This is another challenge for Biden.
It is surprising that there are still so many people supporting Trump in a U.S. society that has experienced "four years of Trump's turmoil." Trump earned seven million more votes than four years ago, the second largest number of votes in the history of U.S. presidential elections.
Trump's high popularity means that even when he leaves the White House, he is likely to remain a formidable figure in American politics. He is sure to have a disruptive impact on American society as he has done so far. In other words, Trumpism can continue beyond Trump. There is even a possibility that Trump could run for president again in four years. You never know.
The world has paid keen attention to the U.S. presidential election. China was among them. The official position of the Chinese government was that the U.S. presidential election was a "domestic affair," and Beijing does not take a position on the issue.
In China, however, netizens widely call Trump "chuan jianguo" (Trump who builds the Chinese nation). Biden is also called "bai zhenhua" (Biden who makes China prosper). It reflects the Chinese people's perception that whoever becomes the U.S. president, he will ultimately benefit China in the U.S.-China strategic rivalry.
Beijing is sparing in its words, but it seems to believe that "Biden's four years" could also be a strategic window of opportunity for it to emerge stronger. That's because, some believe, Biden will be unable to repair America's democracy, given the degree of damage Trump has done.
Since becoming China's supreme leader, Xi Jinping has often recited that "the present time is a strategic opportunity that comes once every 100 years." He hasn't changed his words, to date. Biden will be different from Trump. But, overall, China seems to have a greater sense of opportunity than a sense of crisis.
With Biden in the White House, some allies will still be in "probing mode" during the initial months, trying to size up his appointment of key foreign policy advisors. It's important for Biden to give confidence and assurance to U.S. allies and partners and earn their trust back. And that will take real action on the part of Washington. Many in South Korea, for instance, felt betrayed by America when Seoul hosted the U.S.' advanced missile defense system, THAAD. China retaliated against South Korea as a result and the U.S. did nothing to help.
The problem with U.S. foreign policy is that it doesn't have any good examples to show that it is committed to protecting allies that take sides with it, thus eroding American credibility. Biden should also show America's allies what alternative benefits will be available if they cooperate with the U.S. on matters such as Huawei and Clean Network.
The emerging consensus in this region is that America alone will not successfully deal with China. In other words, it is in Washington's interest to work with allies and partners. The next four years under Biden will be critical in terms of America's status in the world.
Lee Seong-hyon (sunnybbsfs@gmail.com), Ph.D., is director of the Center for Chinese Studies at the Sejong Institute.
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In just four years under Trump, America has changed so much, like a character in a Marvel movie. It's unclear whether the United States will swiftly reclaim its former self, the one that we once knew, and it will likely be an arduous process of healing and reclamation.
Trump was a transitional leader. But he transformed America, exposing how fragile American democracy can be. That was a wake-up call for many observers. And a lot of Biden's foreign policy success, especially in alliances and China, will hinge upon whether he can put the house back in order and fix a ruptured democracy at home.
Biden's supporters are people who created a weak alliance and united for the purpose of beating Trump in the election. Even though they are under the same "Democratic Party" roof, there are deep factional divisions among them. This is another challenge for Biden.
It is surprising that there are still so many people supporting Trump in a U.S. society that has experienced "four years of Trump's turmoil." Trump earned seven million more votes than four years ago, the second largest number of votes in the history of U.S. presidential elections.
Trump's high popularity means that even when he leaves the White House, he is likely to remain a formidable figure in American politics. He is sure to have a disruptive impact on American society as he has done so far. In other words, Trumpism can continue beyond Trump. There is even a possibility that Trump could run for president again in four years. You never know.
The world has paid keen attention to the U.S. presidential election. China was among them. The official position of the Chinese government was that the U.S. presidential election was a "domestic affair," and Beijing does not take a position on the issue.
In China, however, netizens widely call Trump "chuan jianguo" (Trump who builds the Chinese nation). Biden is also called "bai zhenhua" (Biden who makes China prosper). It reflects the Chinese people's perception that whoever becomes the U.S. president, he will ultimately benefit China in the U.S.-China strategic rivalry.
Beijing is sparing in its words, but it seems to believe that "Biden's four years" could also be a strategic window of opportunity for it to emerge stronger. That's because, some believe, Biden will be unable to repair America's democracy, given the degree of damage Trump has done.
Since becoming China's supreme leader, Xi Jinping has often recited that "the present time is a strategic opportunity that comes once every 100 years." He hasn't changed his words, to date. Biden will be different from Trump. But, overall, China seems to have a greater sense of opportunity than a sense of crisis.
With Biden in the White House, some allies will still be in "probing mode" during the initial months, trying to size up his appointment of key foreign policy advisors. It's important for Biden to give confidence and assurance to U.S. allies and partners and earn their trust back. And that will take real action on the part of Washington. Many in South Korea, for instance, felt betrayed by America when Seoul hosted the U.S.' advanced missile defense system, THAAD. China retaliated against South Korea as a result and the U.S. did nothing to help.
The problem with U.S. foreign policy is that it doesn't have any good examples to show that it is committed to protecting allies that take sides with it, thus eroding American credibility. Biden should also show America's allies what alternative benefits will be available if they cooperate with the U.S. on matters such as Huawei and Clean Network.
The emerging consensus in this region is that America alone will not successfully deal with China. In other words, it is in Washington's interest to work with allies and partners. The next four years under Biden will be critical in terms of America's status in the world.
Lee Seong-hyon (sunnybbsfs@gmail.com), Ph.D., is director of the Center for Chinese Studies at the Sejong Institute.
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