By Shim Jae-yun
In May, I had the chance to attend a dinner with the then-presidential secretary of civil affairs, Kim Jo-won, along with several senior journalists. Touching on his prime concern at Cheong Wa Dae, Kim, now retired, said he had always been paying heed to ensure President Moon Jae-in would be able to retire from the presidency safely and enjoy his remaining life comfortably.
The participants acknowledged his remark, given the numerous cases of former presidents who met ill fates during or after their presidency. The nation's first President Syngman Rhee was forced to seek exile overseas and died there, while Park Chung-hee was shot to death by one of his close aides.
Their successors Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo were imprisoned and Roh Moo-hyun committed suicide. Most recently, Lee Myung-bak was put behind bars again after the Supreme Court upheld a lower court ruling sentencing him to 17 years in prison. Lee's successor Park Geun-hye has been imprisoned for more than three years since March 2017, on diverse counts of criminal activity.
Many outside the country wonder why Korea's former presidents have met such tragic ends, despite the fact that Korea has managed to achieve democratization and the brilliant economic growth in just a few decades frequently referred to as the "Miracle on the Han River".
Ra Jong-il, professor emeritus at Gachon University; Cho Byung-jae, secretary-general of the International Conference of Asian Political Parties (ICAPP); and four others recently co-published a book under the title "Korea's Ill-fated Presidents."
According to Cho, who shed light on their misfortune mainly from the foreign affairs aspect, the nation's heads of state have been feeling a huge burden especially on diplomatic issues. Such a "diplomacy trap" derives from the nation's geopolitical location ― surrounded by power nations ― coupled with its status as a divided nation facing prickly North Korea across the border. Such reality has weakened the presidents' political leverage, denting their bids to carry out major domestic policies.
Unable to avoid such a trap, the presidents repeated the same mistakes. In terms of inter-Korean relations, the policies fluctuate whenever the nation sees shifts in government. Given this, under the current five-year single term presidency system, it has been impossible to maintain stable relations with North Korea from a mid- or long-term perspective, Cho says.
Cho warns against the politicizing of diplomacy, as it can deal blows on both progressive and conservative forces, citing the need for the pursuit of diplomacy beyond the difference in political interests and ideologies.
Ra points out the overconcentration of power on the president, leading to excessive expectations for the emperor-like head of state. Such expectations easily turn into disillusionment and disappointment, triggering fierce criticism and opposition. Many major policies and personnel management in officialdom are conducted, dominated by Cheong Wa Dae with feeble influence by the government ministries, subordinate to the presidential office.
The writers note the former presidents lacked democratic leadership at large, relying on a unilateral and monotonous form of communication with the public. They only pushed for their policies without adopting bilateral communications.
As a way of preventing possible misfortune of current and future heads of state, the book cites the case of Vietnam's Ho Chi Minh who showed examples of "self-sacrifice" by living a humble and frugal life. Compared to Mao Zedong of China and Kim Il-sung of North Korea, he refused to be idolized. On the back of his sacrificial spirit, the Vietnamese people collaborated in their victorious fight against the United States.
In its conclusion, the book cites a statement by Benjamin Zander, conductor and musical director of the Boston Philharmonic Orchestra: "The conductor of an orchestra doesn't make a sound… He depends for his power on his ability to make other people powerful." He also says real leadership means "awakening possibility in people" to enable them to express the potential hidden inside them.
Shim Jae-yun is an editorial writer of The Korea Times.
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The participants acknowledged his remark, given the numerous cases of former presidents who met ill fates during or after their presidency. The nation's first President Syngman Rhee was forced to seek exile overseas and died there, while Park Chung-hee was shot to death by one of his close aides.
Their successors Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo were imprisoned and Roh Moo-hyun committed suicide. Most recently, Lee Myung-bak was put behind bars again after the Supreme Court upheld a lower court ruling sentencing him to 17 years in prison. Lee's successor Park Geun-hye has been imprisoned for more than three years since March 2017, on diverse counts of criminal activity.
Many outside the country wonder why Korea's former presidents have met such tragic ends, despite the fact that Korea has managed to achieve democratization and the brilliant economic growth in just a few decades frequently referred to as the "Miracle on the Han River".
Ra Jong-il, professor emeritus at Gachon University; Cho Byung-jae, secretary-general of the International Conference of Asian Political Parties (ICAPP); and four others recently co-published a book under the title "Korea's Ill-fated Presidents."
According to Cho, who shed light on their misfortune mainly from the foreign affairs aspect, the nation's heads of state have been feeling a huge burden especially on diplomatic issues. Such a "diplomacy trap" derives from the nation's geopolitical location ― surrounded by power nations ― coupled with its status as a divided nation facing prickly North Korea across the border. Such reality has weakened the presidents' political leverage, denting their bids to carry out major domestic policies.
Unable to avoid such a trap, the presidents repeated the same mistakes. In terms of inter-Korean relations, the policies fluctuate whenever the nation sees shifts in government. Given this, under the current five-year single term presidency system, it has been impossible to maintain stable relations with North Korea from a mid- or long-term perspective, Cho says.
Cho warns against the politicizing of diplomacy, as it can deal blows on both progressive and conservative forces, citing the need for the pursuit of diplomacy beyond the difference in political interests and ideologies.
Ra points out the overconcentration of power on the president, leading to excessive expectations for the emperor-like head of state. Such expectations easily turn into disillusionment and disappointment, triggering fierce criticism and opposition. Many major policies and personnel management in officialdom are conducted, dominated by Cheong Wa Dae with feeble influence by the government ministries, subordinate to the presidential office.
The writers note the former presidents lacked democratic leadership at large, relying on a unilateral and monotonous form of communication with the public. They only pushed for their policies without adopting bilateral communications.
As a way of preventing possible misfortune of current and future heads of state, the book cites the case of Vietnam's Ho Chi Minh who showed examples of "self-sacrifice" by living a humble and frugal life. Compared to Mao Zedong of China and Kim Il-sung of North Korea, he refused to be idolized. On the back of his sacrificial spirit, the Vietnamese people collaborated in their victorious fight against the United States.
In its conclusion, the book cites a statement by Benjamin Zander, conductor and musical director of the Boston Philharmonic Orchestra: "The conductor of an orchestra doesn't make a sound… He depends for his power on his ability to make other people powerful." He also says real leadership means "awakening possibility in people" to enable them to express the potential hidden inside them.
Shim Jae-yun is an editorial writer of The Korea Times.
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