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Fri, September 22, 2023 | 11:21
Andrew Salmon
Dummies' guide to Kim's dictatorship
Posted : 2016-05-09 16:36
Updated : 2016-05-09 16:55
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By Andrew Salmon

Years ago, the foreign editor of a major British newspaper, upon learning that I was heading for Korea, congratulated me. I was fortunate, he said, because Korea was the "world's last great news story" ― the only unresolved battleground of the epoch-defining Cold War.

There was (and is) something to what he said. The problem with this thinking is the over-excitement that overcomes newsrooms worldwide when something unusual happens on the peninsula. Case in point: The North Korean Workers' Party Congress.

To cover this event, eager media professionals from around the world have jetted in and massed in the hotels of Pyongyang. Reporters, editors and even some analysts are excitedly writing or commenting on the "importance" and "significance" of this "rare" and "once-in-a-generation" event.

Some of this reporting is sound, but much is ill informed and some is downright stupid. There are two standout issues.

One ― in a lede that reporters and editors around the world are using endless variations on ― is that the congress will somehow "confirm," "buttress" or "make concrete" Kim Jong-un's grip on power.

What piffle is this?

Are those making these assertions of the belief that the Kim dictatorship is not firmly in charge? Are they not convinced of the legitimacy of his bloodline in the eyes of the North Korean people ― now living under a third-generation Kim, having known no other ruler during their entire, unhappy national existence? Are they unaware that Kim has been replacing, purging and even executing a mass of officials and military officers since coming to power, with neither individual nor institution trammeling his efforts? Have they seen any signs of instability inside the regime, heard of any plots or even voices raised against him? Indeed, have they seen any form of internal challenge to Kim's power at all?

If anyone can answer "yes," to the above, they either have an incredible, earth-shaking global scoop - or (more likely) are poorly informed.

Given that Kim sits ― quite comfortably, by every indication ― at the head of arguably the world's most deeply entrenched dictatorship, and is the beneficiary of what is almost certainly the world's strongest national leader personality cult, it is difficult to imagine how his power could be somehow expanded. I cannot think of any other state with a leader more securely entrenched in power.

The second strand of dubious reportage gushing out of Pyongyang asserts the rarity and significance of this event. Is it rare? Certainly. Is it significant? I would argue, on the basis of recent North Korean history, "no."

The fact that this congress has not been held since 1980, tells us something glaringly obvious. Underscoring this glaringly obvious fact is the knowledge that North Korea has only had three leaders in its history, and one of the three, Kim Jong-il, managed to last his entire reign (1994-2011) without convening this congress. Moreover, during his reign, his regime was beset by murderous famines, large- scale defections and border crossings - and yet managed to remain in power, successfully test nuclear devices, despite the best efforts of the international community to halt them, and pass on power to his son. All those are pretty impressive (though not admirable) feats of regime survival and defiance.

So let me spell out this glaringly obvious fact: The Workers' Party Congress is not necessary to the running of the North Korean state. Nor is it necessary to the operation of state affairs.

Much reportage seems to be suggesting that its rarity makes it significant. Logic suggests the opposite is true. Informed analysts, such as 38 North's Michael Madden, are cagier, labelling it a "rare and potentially significant" event ― "potentially" being the operative word.

North Korean policymaking is not carried out via votes at congresses or conferences. Policy is not vigorously debated in open political chambers. Cadres of elite officials make decisions behind closed doors. To suggest that party masses somehow have a say in policymaking ignores North Korean realities. To believe (or hope) that major new policies are going to be announced, or important new realities are going to be confirmed at this Congress, is indulging in the kind of optimism that runs contrary to the healthy cynicism that informs responsible journalism.

Granted, something significant may manifest itself. But if we are to catch what that is, and analyze it appropriately, we need to take the blinkers off.

To my excitable colleagues in Pyongyang ― and more importantly, to their slavering editors, desperate for sizzling news ― I would respectfully suggest that those reporting from the belly of the beast, or editing those reports should: Do a little homework; apply some common sense; exercise some restraint; and otherwise indulge their professionalism.

Andrew Salmon is a Seoul-based reporter and author. Reach him at andrewcsalmon@yahoo.co.uk.

 
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