By Vishnu Prakash
Japan and South Korea enjoy numerous commonalities, such as linguistic and cultural affinity, robust economies and geographical proximity. Vibrant democracies, members of the G20, APEC and the East Asia Summit (EAS), and technological power houses, they are also vital links in the global supply chain.
Both Seoul and Tokyo are impacted by the unprecedented rise of assertive China and the threats posed by Pyongyang's WMD program, albeit not to the same degree. Furthermore, they are key allies of the United States and under its security umbrella.
Yet the neighbors, separated merely by the 200 km-wide Korea Strait, have rarely boasted of cordial ties. The brutal Japanese occupation of Korea (1910-45) has scarred the Korean psyche.
That Japan met its comeuppance when the U.S. detonated two nuclear devices over Hiroshima and Nagasaki consuming some 200,000 innocent lives or that Tokyo has apologized several times, has done little to assuage the Korean sense of hurt. Korea and China maintain that Japan has not been contrite enough.
The continued visits of Japanese politicians to the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo, where the spirits of 14 A-class criminals of war are also housed, have not helped matters. Nor has Korea's sentimental approach to the issue.
International observers rightly contrast the Chinese/Korean stance with that of the Allied nations in Europe, which have made peace with Germany.
Japan and Korea normalized their ties by concluding a treaty in 1965. Tokyo provided $800 million in economic assistance including $300 million in grants, towards a complete and final settlement of the "problems concerning property, rights, and interests of the two … (nations) … and their peoples and the claims between the … (two nations) … and their peoples …" (Article II).
For Japan it brought the unsavory chapter to closure, but not so for Korea. Seoul used the assistance to establish quality infrastructure and rebuild its economy. Proud and industrious Korea become the first and only developing nation to join the ranks of OECD countries in 1996. Little relief was provided to the unfortunate Korean women and men who were used as sex slaves (comfort women) or subjected to forced labor during the Japanese occupation.
Up to 200,000 Korean women were the victims of unconscionable treatment during World War II. A sense of shame and secrecy meant that most tales of abuse and coercion were never discussed publicly, until Kim Hak-sun, one of the victims, came forward in 1991.
Since 1992, these aging women (only 25 were alive by December 2018) have held weekly Wednesday rallies outside the Japanese Embassy in Seoul, demanding a formal apology and legal compensation from Japan.
In an effort to defuse the situation, between 1995 and 2007, Japan created a fund from donations to make payments to the victims and sent letters of apology from successive premiers. Some survivors did accept compensation but the struggle continued. Given the sensitivity of the issue and strong anti-Japan sentiment among the people, few Korean leaders have ventured to speak up in favor of cooperative ties with Japan.
In Korea, being described as "pro-Japanese" is not just negative, but insulting and disrespectful. For a politician, the pro-Japanese stigma is more fatal than an illness. Surprisingly young Koreans have turned out to be more hawkish on Japan.
In a 2017 survey, 69 percent of young Koreans opined that increasing pressure on Tokyo over historical issues was preferable to deepening ties, while 59 percent of those over 50 favored setting aside those issues. No wonder, people of Korean-Japanese heritage perceive prejudice even after generations.
During President Lee Myung-bak's administration (2008-2013) the Korea-Japan relationship was elevated to "democratic alliance." And then suddenly the ties took a hammering.
For no apparent justification, towards the fag end of his single-term presidency in August 2012, he visited South Korea's easternmost islets of Dokdo, which is called Takeshima by Japan, becoming the first Korean president to do so.
He publicly stated that "Japan's international influence is not as strong as before" and, "The Japanese emperor should make a sincere apology to the survivors …" His approval ratings almost doubled instantly.
Notwithstanding a reticent beginning, LMB's successor Park Geun-hye made bold to reach a landmark agreement with Japan in December 2015, "finally and irreversibly" settling the comfort women issue. Japan provided 1 billion yen ($8.9 million) to support the affected women and their families.
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe expressed his "apologies and remorse" to them. In November 2016, President Park approved the signing of the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) with Tokyo, enabling the direct exchange of confidential military information, to counter the WMD threat from North Korea.
President Moon Jae-in, who took office in May 2017, had other ideas. He distanced his government from the agreement saying ― "it is not accepted by the people of Korea, particularly by the victims."
Noting the Chinese pressure on Korea against enhancing its defense ties with Japan and the U.S., the Atlantic Council report sponsored by the Korea Foundation (December 2018) averred, ― "The importance of the U.S.-South Korean-Japanese trilateral security partnership cannot be underestimated, though one has to recognize its opportunities and constraints … The Moon administration has not discarded the agreement … but has watered it down significantly …"
An Indian analyst observed that "Moon is perhaps allowing dog-whistle anti-Japanese sentiments to shore up domestic support for his North Korea policy."(Times of India). Though tempting, leaders of the day are best advised to respect agreements struck during previous regimes, in the interest of continuity and national equity.
Adding fuel to the fire, in October 2018, the Korean Supreme Court ordered a leading Japanese steelmaker to compensate Korean men used as slave labor. Tokyo was livid, but Seoul chose not to intercede.
On July 4, Japan imposed restrictions on the export of three sensitive materials, used in high-tech equipment in Korea, allegedly due to "inadequate management" by the latter, but essentially as a retaliatory measure.
The sides have since been engaged in a spiraling verbal conflict, which is in the interest of neither. India as a friend wishes to see the best of relations between Japan and Korea, as it is conducive to peace and prosperity in the region and beyond.
It is hoped that Seoul and Tokyo can take a genuinely forward-looking approach in burying the hatchet. Their discord benefits no one except China, which would naturally fish in troubled waters, to consolidate its dominance and fill the resultant gaps in the global supply chain.
Seoul's economic dependence on Beijing will increase further to its detriment. The Chinese squeeze on Korea, consequent to its installation of a U.S. missile defense system called THAAD, is still fresh in the public's memory.
President Moon has already sought Washington's intervention. It is high time for the U.S. to seat its allies down, for a frank and constructive chat.
Former Prime Minister Park Tae-joon, who built POSCO with Japanese funding once said, "On Korea-Japan ties, we tend to be led more by emotion than reason. If we really want to be good neighbors, we all need to restrain our emotions a little and let reason guide us more."
The advice given in September 1992 is still relevant today. President Moon has a unique opportunity to be a statesman twice over ― in recasting ties not just with North Korea but also Japan.
Vishnu Prakash is a former Indian ambassador to South Korea.
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Both Seoul and Tokyo are impacted by the unprecedented rise of assertive China and the threats posed by Pyongyang's WMD program, albeit not to the same degree. Furthermore, they are key allies of the United States and under its security umbrella.
Yet the neighbors, separated merely by the 200 km-wide Korea Strait, have rarely boasted of cordial ties. The brutal Japanese occupation of Korea (1910-45) has scarred the Korean psyche.
That Japan met its comeuppance when the U.S. detonated two nuclear devices over Hiroshima and Nagasaki consuming some 200,000 innocent lives or that Tokyo has apologized several times, has done little to assuage the Korean sense of hurt. Korea and China maintain that Japan has not been contrite enough.
The continued visits of Japanese politicians to the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo, where the spirits of 14 A-class criminals of war are also housed, have not helped matters. Nor has Korea's sentimental approach to the issue.
International observers rightly contrast the Chinese/Korean stance with that of the Allied nations in Europe, which have made peace with Germany.
Japan and Korea normalized their ties by concluding a treaty in 1965. Tokyo provided $800 million in economic assistance including $300 million in grants, towards a complete and final settlement of the "problems concerning property, rights, and interests of the two … (nations) … and their peoples and the claims between the … (two nations) … and their peoples …" (Article II).
For Japan it brought the unsavory chapter to closure, but not so for Korea. Seoul used the assistance to establish quality infrastructure and rebuild its economy. Proud and industrious Korea become the first and only developing nation to join the ranks of OECD countries in 1996. Little relief was provided to the unfortunate Korean women and men who were used as sex slaves (comfort women) or subjected to forced labor during the Japanese occupation.
Up to 200,000 Korean women were the victims of unconscionable treatment during World War II. A sense of shame and secrecy meant that most tales of abuse and coercion were never discussed publicly, until Kim Hak-sun, one of the victims, came forward in 1991.
Since 1992, these aging women (only 25 were alive by December 2018) have held weekly Wednesday rallies outside the Japanese Embassy in Seoul, demanding a formal apology and legal compensation from Japan.
In an effort to defuse the situation, between 1995 and 2007, Japan created a fund from donations to make payments to the victims and sent letters of apology from successive premiers. Some survivors did accept compensation but the struggle continued. Given the sensitivity of the issue and strong anti-Japan sentiment among the people, few Korean leaders have ventured to speak up in favor of cooperative ties with Japan.
In Korea, being described as "pro-Japanese" is not just negative, but insulting and disrespectful. For a politician, the pro-Japanese stigma is more fatal than an illness. Surprisingly young Koreans have turned out to be more hawkish on Japan.
In a 2017 survey, 69 percent of young Koreans opined that increasing pressure on Tokyo over historical issues was preferable to deepening ties, while 59 percent of those over 50 favored setting aside those issues. No wonder, people of Korean-Japanese heritage perceive prejudice even after generations.
During President Lee Myung-bak's administration (2008-2013) the Korea-Japan relationship was elevated to "democratic alliance." And then suddenly the ties took a hammering.
For no apparent justification, towards the fag end of his single-term presidency in August 2012, he visited South Korea's easternmost islets of Dokdo, which is called Takeshima by Japan, becoming the first Korean president to do so.
He publicly stated that "Japan's international influence is not as strong as before" and, "The Japanese emperor should make a sincere apology to the survivors …" His approval ratings almost doubled instantly.
Notwithstanding a reticent beginning, LMB's successor Park Geun-hye made bold to reach a landmark agreement with Japan in December 2015, "finally and irreversibly" settling the comfort women issue. Japan provided 1 billion yen ($8.9 million) to support the affected women and their families.
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe expressed his "apologies and remorse" to them. In November 2016, President Park approved the signing of the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) with Tokyo, enabling the direct exchange of confidential military information, to counter the WMD threat from North Korea.
President Moon Jae-in, who took office in May 2017, had other ideas. He distanced his government from the agreement saying ― "it is not accepted by the people of Korea, particularly by the victims."
Noting the Chinese pressure on Korea against enhancing its defense ties with Japan and the U.S., the Atlantic Council report sponsored by the Korea Foundation (December 2018) averred, ― "The importance of the U.S.-South Korean-Japanese trilateral security partnership cannot be underestimated, though one has to recognize its opportunities and constraints … The Moon administration has not discarded the agreement … but has watered it down significantly …"
An Indian analyst observed that "Moon is perhaps allowing dog-whistle anti-Japanese sentiments to shore up domestic support for his North Korea policy."(Times of India). Though tempting, leaders of the day are best advised to respect agreements struck during previous regimes, in the interest of continuity and national equity.
Adding fuel to the fire, in October 2018, the Korean Supreme Court ordered a leading Japanese steelmaker to compensate Korean men used as slave labor. Tokyo was livid, but Seoul chose not to intercede.
On July 4, Japan imposed restrictions on the export of three sensitive materials, used in high-tech equipment in Korea, allegedly due to "inadequate management" by the latter, but essentially as a retaliatory measure.
The sides have since been engaged in a spiraling verbal conflict, which is in the interest of neither. India as a friend wishes to see the best of relations between Japan and Korea, as it is conducive to peace and prosperity in the region and beyond.
It is hoped that Seoul and Tokyo can take a genuinely forward-looking approach in burying the hatchet. Their discord benefits no one except China, which would naturally fish in troubled waters, to consolidate its dominance and fill the resultant gaps in the global supply chain.
Seoul's economic dependence on Beijing will increase further to its detriment. The Chinese squeeze on Korea, consequent to its installation of a U.S. missile defense system called THAAD, is still fresh in the public's memory.
President Moon has already sought Washington's intervention. It is high time for the U.S. to seat its allies down, for a frank and constructive chat.
Former Prime Minister Park Tae-joon, who built POSCO with Japanese funding once said, "On Korea-Japan ties, we tend to be led more by emotion than reason. If we really want to be good neighbors, we all need to restrain our emotions a little and let reason guide us more."
The advice given in September 1992 is still relevant today. President Moon has a unique opportunity to be a statesman twice over ― in recasting ties not just with North Korea but also Japan.
Vishnu Prakash is a former Indian ambassador to South Korea.
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