By Troy Stangarone
In August of 1989, a group of 600 East Germans were allowed to cross the Hungarian border into Austria for the first time. In the weeks to come, tens of thousands more would follow them, setting in motion a series of events that would see the Berlin Wall come down Nov. 9.
We tend to remember the high points of Eastern Europe's struggle against communism and place less focus on the challenges those states faced afterwards. Despite most East European states having joined the European Union, the region has seen some democratic backsliding.
Hungary now practices what it calls illiberal democracy and Poland has seen democracy weaken as well, while some of the smaller former Soviet countries such as Moldova have struggled economically.
Notwithstanding the setbacks, Eastern Europeans still generally see the end of the Cold War as a good thing. With the notable exception of Russia, a poll by the Pew Research Center indicates that Eastern Europeans see the shift to a multiparty democracy and market economy as a positive. But there are mixed views in the region on whether the economic situation is better than it was under communism.
For Korea, Germany remains the touchstone in the region when thinking about the prospects of ending the division on the Korean Peninsula. But while Germany may be united, internal divisions remain.
According to the German government's annual Unity Report, three decades after the collapse of communism in the former East Germany the GDP is only 73.2 percent of that in the West. Perhaps of more concern is that economic convergence has largely stopped. Over the last decade the gap in GDP between the two former parts of Germany has only decreased by 4.2 percent and a persistent gap in pay remains.
On a societal level, there is growing division between East and West Germans. While 71 percent of West Germans identify as German, 47 percent of East Germans identify as East German rather than German according to an IfD-Allensbach poll, and the Unity Report indicates that 57 percent see themselves as second-class citizens. East Germans also tend to be less happy with how democracy works in Germany than their West German counterparts.
If divisions in Eastern Europe have ended, the remnants of the Cold War still linger on the Korean Peninsula three decades later and this persistent division remains a uniquely Korean tragedy. While China and Taiwan still maintain separate political systems, families and friends are able to travel to Taiwan or the mainland. It is only on the Korean Peninsula where something close to complete separation remains.
The economic challenges of unification often gain the most attention, but bridging the social divide between the two Koreas may be the most persistent challenge for a unified Korea. North and South Koreans may share a common history, but the experience of East Germany suggests a societal wall could remain for decades after unification and the ties that could potentially bind the two countries are passing away slowly.
Those with family ties will be the most invested in the success of a newly reunified Korea. However, the longer family reunions or the ability to travel in either country remains restricted, the more likely those ties will wither as those hoping to still see their families in the North pass away.
According to the Ministry of Unification, there are some 54,000 South Koreans who have registered to meet their relatives in North Korea, but time is not on their side.
Since South Koreans began registering to meet their relatives in the North in 1988, 60 percent have passed away. Of those still alive today, nearly a quarter are in their 90s and over 40 percent are in their 80s.
The issue isn't merely an inter-Korean one. In his recent visit to the United States, Unification Minister Kim Yeon-chul met with members of Congress to seek their support for the resumption of family reunions. At the same time, there has been growing support on Capitol Hill for Korean Americans separated from their families to be able to engage in reunions as well.
It is natural for the United States and South Korea to work together, but it's important for countries such as Russia, China and Japan to encourage North Korea to allow increasing contact between families if it wants to truly change its relationship with its neighbors.
The separation need not be permanent. On two separate occasions last year North Korean leader Kim Jong-un suggested that North and South Koreans should be able to travel in both countries. Perhaps the time has come to insist that Kim live up to his suggestion.
Troy Stangarone (ts@keia.org) is the senior director of congressional affairs and trade at the Korea Economic Institute.
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We tend to remember the high points of Eastern Europe's struggle against communism and place less focus on the challenges those states faced afterwards. Despite most East European states having joined the European Union, the region has seen some democratic backsliding.
Hungary now practices what it calls illiberal democracy and Poland has seen democracy weaken as well, while some of the smaller former Soviet countries such as Moldova have struggled economically.
Notwithstanding the setbacks, Eastern Europeans still generally see the end of the Cold War as a good thing. With the notable exception of Russia, a poll by the Pew Research Center indicates that Eastern Europeans see the shift to a multiparty democracy and market economy as a positive. But there are mixed views in the region on whether the economic situation is better than it was under communism.
For Korea, Germany remains the touchstone in the region when thinking about the prospects of ending the division on the Korean Peninsula. But while Germany may be united, internal divisions remain.
According to the German government's annual Unity Report, three decades after the collapse of communism in the former East Germany the GDP is only 73.2 percent of that in the West. Perhaps of more concern is that economic convergence has largely stopped. Over the last decade the gap in GDP between the two former parts of Germany has only decreased by 4.2 percent and a persistent gap in pay remains.
On a societal level, there is growing division between East and West Germans. While 71 percent of West Germans identify as German, 47 percent of East Germans identify as East German rather than German according to an IfD-Allensbach poll, and the Unity Report indicates that 57 percent see themselves as second-class citizens. East Germans also tend to be less happy with how democracy works in Germany than their West German counterparts.
If divisions in Eastern Europe have ended, the remnants of the Cold War still linger on the Korean Peninsula three decades later and this persistent division remains a uniquely Korean tragedy. While China and Taiwan still maintain separate political systems, families and friends are able to travel to Taiwan or the mainland. It is only on the Korean Peninsula where something close to complete separation remains.
The economic challenges of unification often gain the most attention, but bridging the social divide between the two Koreas may be the most persistent challenge for a unified Korea. North and South Koreans may share a common history, but the experience of East Germany suggests a societal wall could remain for decades after unification and the ties that could potentially bind the two countries are passing away slowly.
Those with family ties will be the most invested in the success of a newly reunified Korea. However, the longer family reunions or the ability to travel in either country remains restricted, the more likely those ties will wither as those hoping to still see their families in the North pass away.
According to the Ministry of Unification, there are some 54,000 South Koreans who have registered to meet their relatives in North Korea, but time is not on their side.
Since South Koreans began registering to meet their relatives in the North in 1988, 60 percent have passed away. Of those still alive today, nearly a quarter are in their 90s and over 40 percent are in their 80s.
The issue isn't merely an inter-Korean one. In his recent visit to the United States, Unification Minister Kim Yeon-chul met with members of Congress to seek their support for the resumption of family reunions. At the same time, there has been growing support on Capitol Hill for Korean Americans separated from their families to be able to engage in reunions as well.
It is natural for the United States and South Korea to work together, but it's important for countries such as Russia, China and Japan to encourage North Korea to allow increasing contact between families if it wants to truly change its relationship with its neighbors.
The separation need not be permanent. On two separate occasions last year North Korean leader Kim Jong-un suggested that North and South Koreans should be able to travel in both countries. Perhaps the time has come to insist that Kim live up to his suggestion.
Troy Stangarone (ts@keia.org) is the senior director of congressional affairs and trade at the Korea Economic Institute.
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