By Bernard Rowan
Recently, I enjoyed the column by fellow opinion writer Lee Seong-hyon entitled "China's conditions to US" that was carried in this paper's Sept. 15 edition. I'd like to share some thoughts about Yang Jiechi's letter on Sino-American relations and some ideas that speak to America's foreign policy, or at least my view of it.
I write this column to honor a Chinese neighbor, a retiree after many years of hard work, now nearly 80. He told me at his birthday party recently, "China and America should be friends." I agree with him.
First, America accepts that China has a different political culture, though I think many Americans understand little about it. I also think many Chinese citizens don't understand America. There's no reason to be enemies, just as when Mao and Nixon met. There's more reason to be friends. America shouldn't try to change China. That's a task for the Chinese people, should they choose to do so.
In 1972, China wasn't an economic or military power like the United States. To say we shouldn't be enemies concerned the Cold War. I hope Yang and the Chinese leadership speak of global responsibilities and common efforts more. The idea of parallel systems smacks of competition, not friendship or common interests with the United States and other nations. Yang's letter implies "superpower competition" or coexistence.
Besides, for Yang to recall our historic ties should note that circumstances have changed. They have changed in large part because of the Chinese people, and their capacities and efforts. However, they've changed due to American, Canadian, and European openness (among many others). This includes openness to trade on international norms and terms, trade which Yang grants has increased several hundredfold.
Second, trade wars tend not to produce winners. Trump will never admit the trade war was a loss for the United States. However, Yang should recognize the Chinese theft of intellectual property is an irritant of significant proportions. It's not in the sober interests of the Chinese people. It costs the United States and other countries hundreds of billions of dollars each year.
Third, the United States shouldn't engage in wishful thinking about China's rise and economic development. The United States doesn't have the goal of stopping China. A powerful and prosperous China benefits the United States, just as it has for the last 40-plus years. Both countries should avoid zero-sum rhetoric.
Yang says that China's "core interests" are off-limits for any concessions, and it defines those to include Taiwan, Hong Kong, Tibet, and Xinjiang. The peoples of all these "core" countries and regions have problems with the Chinese government's actions and designs. The world is aware of Chinese violations of human and political rights in most of these countries and regions. The world is aware of China's censorship of the Internet and social media for political purposes.
China is a force for the present and future. So is the United States, despite its last four years of hysterical and historical amnesia. Countries model their constitutions on ours. The United States is a political society dedicated to limiting government power in the name of individual freedom and democracy. America is a grand experiment, and one by no means guaranteed of unending success. However, the horizon of openness, freedom, learning, and equality is limitless. Its potential exists as a timeless force for global societies, be they like ours or different.
I should close with a reminder that both the People's Republic of China and the United States of America hold dear, if differently, the word "republic." We have today among us and all nations of the world a need to build the republics of diversity, plural political societies, and international harmony. My neighbor knows at the end of his life what we should never forget, or else we'll lose ourselves and our systems to blindness and willful neglect of peace, humanity and posterity.
Bernard Rowan (browan10@yahoo.com) is associate provost for contract administration and professor of political science at Chicago State University. He is a past fellow of the Korea Foundation and former visiting professor at Hanyang University.
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I write this column to honor a Chinese neighbor, a retiree after many years of hard work, now nearly 80. He told me at his birthday party recently, "China and America should be friends." I agree with him.
First, America accepts that China has a different political culture, though I think many Americans understand little about it. I also think many Chinese citizens don't understand America. There's no reason to be enemies, just as when Mao and Nixon met. There's more reason to be friends. America shouldn't try to change China. That's a task for the Chinese people, should they choose to do so.
In 1972, China wasn't an economic or military power like the United States. To say we shouldn't be enemies concerned the Cold War. I hope Yang and the Chinese leadership speak of global responsibilities and common efforts more. The idea of parallel systems smacks of competition, not friendship or common interests with the United States and other nations. Yang's letter implies "superpower competition" or coexistence.
Besides, for Yang to recall our historic ties should note that circumstances have changed. They have changed in large part because of the Chinese people, and their capacities and efforts. However, they've changed due to American, Canadian, and European openness (among many others). This includes openness to trade on international norms and terms, trade which Yang grants has increased several hundredfold.
Second, trade wars tend not to produce winners. Trump will never admit the trade war was a loss for the United States. However, Yang should recognize the Chinese theft of intellectual property is an irritant of significant proportions. It's not in the sober interests of the Chinese people. It costs the United States and other countries hundreds of billions of dollars each year.
Third, the United States shouldn't engage in wishful thinking about China's rise and economic development. The United States doesn't have the goal of stopping China. A powerful and prosperous China benefits the United States, just as it has for the last 40-plus years. Both countries should avoid zero-sum rhetoric.
Yang says that China's "core interests" are off-limits for any concessions, and it defines those to include Taiwan, Hong Kong, Tibet, and Xinjiang. The peoples of all these "core" countries and regions have problems with the Chinese government's actions and designs. The world is aware of Chinese violations of human and political rights in most of these countries and regions. The world is aware of China's censorship of the Internet and social media for political purposes.
China is a force for the present and future. So is the United States, despite its last four years of hysterical and historical amnesia. Countries model their constitutions on ours. The United States is a political society dedicated to limiting government power in the name of individual freedom and democracy. America is a grand experiment, and one by no means guaranteed of unending success. However, the horizon of openness, freedom, learning, and equality is limitless. Its potential exists as a timeless force for global societies, be they like ours or different.
I should close with a reminder that both the People's Republic of China and the United States of America hold dear, if differently, the word "republic." We have today among us and all nations of the world a need to build the republics of diversity, plural political societies, and international harmony. My neighbor knows at the end of his life what we should never forget, or else we'll lose ourselves and our systems to blindness and willful neglect of peace, humanity and posterity.
Bernard Rowan (browan10@yahoo.com) is associate provost for contract administration and professor of political science at Chicago State University. He is a past fellow of the Korea Foundation and former visiting professor at Hanyang University.
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