By Eugene Lee
Doing research on contemporary Korean history is like walking through a minefield. My recent research into the life of one relative inadvertently taught me a thing or two about the contemporary history of South Korea and how it is being accepted. A relatively small discovery has grown into massive research that has also guided me through various institutions, meetings with interesting people and learning about government processes and regulations.
Fortunate or not, the first big encounter for me was with the Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs, the prime government body that shapes what and how we think about Korea and Korean history. The most peculiar between many of its functions was the issuance of orders of recognition for independence movement fighters, in Korean "seohun."
This document, mostly given out for various heroic acts of national significance, has become a de facto carte blanche that gives its holder and members of their family very generous privileges. A few families came forward with their stories of the independence movement right after the liberation of Korea, which eventually became the mainstream narrative of the contemporary history of Republic of Korea.
These few families became symbols of Korean independence and their descendants were granted a very high prominence in the public arena, politics and government. In certain ways they have even become "the untouchables." With the status would come massive business privileges and financial support in various forms, discounts on transportation fees, deductions and scholarships.
When given, these benefits extend to the third generation of these independence fighters. So, the monetary motivation in acquiring this seohun status is very high, as it ensures the well-being of their families for generations to come. And it is rightly so, as some of these independence fighters dedicated all their fortunes and, in some cases, sacrificed their lives.
These people have formed the second institution that I had an opportunity to work with, a civil society named the Heritage of Korean Independence, or Gwangbokhwae in Korean. This organization, even if not well-known to many, has a very powerful influence in South Korea.
To cut the story short, an individual by name Kim Sang-gak, who has become a person of unique interest in the research I am currently involved in, did some incredible things, that in my judgment went beyond just simple family heritage research, but had contributed to the fight for independence and to the national building of Korea.
While conducting the research, several facts came to light which became somewhat uncomfortable to some of these untouchables, as newly uncovered facts began to contradict a well-accepted story, the one that is widely believed to be the truth. For example, Kim Sang-gak's grandfather, Kim Jong-joong, established a school in South Pyongan Province, today North Korea, and Lee Si-young, the first vice-president of the Republic of Korea to be, was employed at the school as the principal.
In spite of the fact being well-documented, some people have falsely attributed the founding rights of the school to their parents. While running the school, Kim Jong-joong would send those who wished to study abroad to Japan, but his grandson Kim Sang-gak was purposefully sent to China to be in the Shanghai Korean Students' Soccer Club and to study in Tongji University in Shanghai.
This soccer club was a prime vehicle for the independence movement as the club included relatives of prominent independence movement activists, like An Won-saeng, a nephew of An Jung-geun, and Park Si-chang, the son of Park Eun-sik, the second president of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. For me to talk about this soccer club is a separate story, as my focus is on the administrative practices of history in Korea.
So, what are the early outcomes of my experience and the preliminary findings of our research, you might ask. First of all, what you might think the history of South Korea is may be quite far from what it actually is, certainly not complete and, in some cases, not factual truth. Many facts were taken on their face value from the stories told by a few and those stories have become a benchmark for all future historical research on Korea.
Second, the history of Korea is a highly bureaucratic process with a number of government bodies involved in the "certification" of it. The Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs does not really conduct thorough research (I wish it did!). However, it does conduct cross-factual analysis with a quasi-research institution, like the Independence Hall of the Republic of Korea, which everyone knows to be just a museum complex.
Plus, it gives out the seohun recognition papers to those who pass special screening, a very secretive and murky process. Just last year about 100 of those recognitions were given out to rediscovered independence fighters and their families.
Third, the contemporary history of Korea is a highly political process, with implications for domestic and even foreign affairs. Every Korean president has had an influence in shaping it, whether it was the authoritarian administrations of Syngman Rhee and Park Chung-hee or the pro-democracy administration of Moon Jae-in.
This current government, for example, at one point has decided to include the recognition of independence fighters in North Korea as patriots as well. The government has also tried to introduce more openness by implementing some changes in the process of discovering new facts, but later it backtracked on its promise to enhance this historic transparency by limiting access to the National Archives, the most important historical records stored in South Korea.
The earlier wider access to these historic records, especially of the colonial time, made some individuals direct targets of accusations in being pro-Japanese or in inheriting unfairly acquired fortunes.
Today the government treads very carefully in order "not to rock the boat" too much, so to speak. Because it is virtually possible to radicalize everyone and everything by providing open access to the historical records. To make things even more complicated for those who are researching South Korea's history, a lion's share of the colonial records are currently being held in the Imperial Archives in Japan.
And god only knows what kind of truths those archives may hold! One can only wish that all mentioned institutions and organizations truly do more to write a real history of Korea, no matter how uncomfortable it may be, so that we all would know not a fairy tale, but the real story of South Korea.
Eugene Lee (mreulee@gmail.com) is a lecturing professor at the Graduate School of Governance at Sungkyunkwan University in Seoul. Specializing in international relations and governance, his research and teaching focus on national and regional security, international development, government policies and Northeast and Central Asia.
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Fortunate or not, the first big encounter for me was with the Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs, the prime government body that shapes what and how we think about Korea and Korean history. The most peculiar between many of its functions was the issuance of orders of recognition for independence movement fighters, in Korean "seohun."
This document, mostly given out for various heroic acts of national significance, has become a de facto carte blanche that gives its holder and members of their family very generous privileges. A few families came forward with their stories of the independence movement right after the liberation of Korea, which eventually became the mainstream narrative of the contemporary history of Republic of Korea.
These few families became symbols of Korean independence and their descendants were granted a very high prominence in the public arena, politics and government. In certain ways they have even become "the untouchables." With the status would come massive business privileges and financial support in various forms, discounts on transportation fees, deductions and scholarships.
When given, these benefits extend to the third generation of these independence fighters. So, the monetary motivation in acquiring this seohun status is very high, as it ensures the well-being of their families for generations to come. And it is rightly so, as some of these independence fighters dedicated all their fortunes and, in some cases, sacrificed their lives.
These people have formed the second institution that I had an opportunity to work with, a civil society named the Heritage of Korean Independence, or Gwangbokhwae in Korean. This organization, even if not well-known to many, has a very powerful influence in South Korea.
To cut the story short, an individual by name Kim Sang-gak, who has become a person of unique interest in the research I am currently involved in, did some incredible things, that in my judgment went beyond just simple family heritage research, but had contributed to the fight for independence and to the national building of Korea.
While conducting the research, several facts came to light which became somewhat uncomfortable to some of these untouchables, as newly uncovered facts began to contradict a well-accepted story, the one that is widely believed to be the truth. For example, Kim Sang-gak's grandfather, Kim Jong-joong, established a school in South Pyongan Province, today North Korea, and Lee Si-young, the first vice-president of the Republic of Korea to be, was employed at the school as the principal.
In spite of the fact being well-documented, some people have falsely attributed the founding rights of the school to their parents. While running the school, Kim Jong-joong would send those who wished to study abroad to Japan, but his grandson Kim Sang-gak was purposefully sent to China to be in the Shanghai Korean Students' Soccer Club and to study in Tongji University in Shanghai.
This soccer club was a prime vehicle for the independence movement as the club included relatives of prominent independence movement activists, like An Won-saeng, a nephew of An Jung-geun, and Park Si-chang, the son of Park Eun-sik, the second president of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. For me to talk about this soccer club is a separate story, as my focus is on the administrative practices of history in Korea.
So, what are the early outcomes of my experience and the preliminary findings of our research, you might ask. First of all, what you might think the history of South Korea is may be quite far from what it actually is, certainly not complete and, in some cases, not factual truth. Many facts were taken on their face value from the stories told by a few and those stories have become a benchmark for all future historical research on Korea.
Second, the history of Korea is a highly bureaucratic process with a number of government bodies involved in the "certification" of it. The Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs does not really conduct thorough research (I wish it did!). However, it does conduct cross-factual analysis with a quasi-research institution, like the Independence Hall of the Republic of Korea, which everyone knows to be just a museum complex.
Plus, it gives out the seohun recognition papers to those who pass special screening, a very secretive and murky process. Just last year about 100 of those recognitions were given out to rediscovered independence fighters and their families.
Third, the contemporary history of Korea is a highly political process, with implications for domestic and even foreign affairs. Every Korean president has had an influence in shaping it, whether it was the authoritarian administrations of Syngman Rhee and Park Chung-hee or the pro-democracy administration of Moon Jae-in.
This current government, for example, at one point has decided to include the recognition of independence fighters in North Korea as patriots as well. The government has also tried to introduce more openness by implementing some changes in the process of discovering new facts, but later it backtracked on its promise to enhance this historic transparency by limiting access to the National Archives, the most important historical records stored in South Korea.
The earlier wider access to these historic records, especially of the colonial time, made some individuals direct targets of accusations in being pro-Japanese or in inheriting unfairly acquired fortunes.
Today the government treads very carefully in order "not to rock the boat" too much, so to speak. Because it is virtually possible to radicalize everyone and everything by providing open access to the historical records. To make things even more complicated for those who are researching South Korea's history, a lion's share of the colonial records are currently being held in the Imperial Archives in Japan.
And god only knows what kind of truths those archives may hold! One can only wish that all mentioned institutions and organizations truly do more to write a real history of Korea, no matter how uncomfortable it may be, so that we all would know not a fairy tale, but the real story of South Korea.
Eugene Lee (mreulee@gmail.com) is a lecturing professor at the Graduate School of Governance at Sungkyunkwan University in Seoul. Specializing in international relations and governance, his research and teaching focus on national and regional security, international development, government policies and Northeast and Central Asia.
