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Beijing hosted the 20th annual China-EU political and business summit Monday. This landmark event provided a timely, important opportunity for the two powers to develop a more unified front on a range of issues they are in dispute with the Trump team over, from trade to climate change, to leverage each other against Washington after the U.S. president called them both key "foes" Sunday.
European Council President Donald Tusk noted that Monday's event coincided with the Donald Trump-Vladimir Putin summit in Helsinki asserting that "we are all aware of the fact that the architecture of the world is changing before our very eyes." He urged commitment to a "rules-based order" to prevent "conflict and chaos" and potentially even "hot wars."
The meeting, held in the framework of the jointly agreed 2020 strategic agenda for cooperation, saw Premier Li Keqiang lead the Chinese delegation meeting with Tusk and European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker. One of the key prizes under discussion was a potential future EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment and progress was made toward realizing this goal in coming years.
Given the growing concerns about trade wars, international trade was a key discussion area with both Beijing and Brussels now in potentially hugely disruptive spats against Washington. Despite EU-China disagreements over issues like subsidies and market access, both sets of leaders put on a unified front in support of the multilateral system with the World Trade Organization at its core.
This positioning reflects the fact that, as their tensions with the Trump team have intensified, both Europe and China have increasingly sought to align with each other. Last month in Beijing, for instance Vice-Premier Liu He and European Commission Vice-President Jyrki Katainen vowed to oppose U.S. trade protectionism asserting that unilateral actions risked pushing the global economy into recession.
Among the other key items on the table were mobility and migration, broader foreign policy cooperation, and an ongoing human rights dialogue between Brussels and Beijing. It was global warming, however, where a particularly fruitful bilateral dialogue was held, including signing of a new emission trading and clean energy agreement, reinforcing the two power's commitment to developing a cost-effective low carbon economy under the Paris climate deal.
A key reason why this could be so important is that, collectively, the EU and China account for around one third of global greenhouse emissions (which grows to one half when the United States is added into the picture). Strong, bold climate leadership by Beijing and Brussels is therefore especially important to preserve the integrity of the Paris accord following Donald Trump's decision to pull Washington out of it.
The overriding reason why EU-China discussions on climate change are generally so cooperative is that, fundamentally, both share a vision of a prosperous, energy-secure future in a stable climate. The 2015 climate declaration between Beijing and Brussels, for instance, agreed to intensify cooperation in domestic mitigation policies, carbon markets, low-carbon cities, greenhouse gas emissions from the aviation and maritime industries, and hydrofluorocarbons.
With appropriation vision, both sets of leaders recognize that there is a massive "win-win" opportunity on the horizon from accelerating the transition to a low carbon future. And this collaboration looks set to only deepen, including on emissions trading, with Beijing's plans to establish a nationwide emissions trading system.
The scale of China's planned investment in the green economy is staggering, a fact that the EU is increasingly recognizing. And this is buttressed by Beijing's policy commitments on the climate, clean air and energy agendas.
In recent Five Year Plans, a strategic direction has been set to change the country's development model from low-grade labor-intensive manufacturing toward a greater emphasis on services and innovation. Another signal of the seriousness of Beijing's climate ambitions is the fact that it is using the experience of its sub-national pilot trading schemes to inform development of its future national model.
Here, China is proving open to learn from Europe's extensive experience here. Brussels has clear strengths in this area that Beijing (now the world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases) could harness. As the latter continues on a trajectory to potentially become the world's largest economy, there are thus substantial commercial opportunities for EU-based technology and science firms which are leaders on much of this clean technology agenda.
Yet, this collaboration will not just be one-way traffic. Indeed, China is already the world's largest manufacturer and user of solar panels and the largest investor in renewable energy, and it is increasingly possible that technology transfer will be a two-way process.
To be clear, there is still a way to go before China has a fully-fledged carbon market, and both parties have yet to develop new low carbon standards in key industrial sectors. However, the direction of travel is clear: Cooperation could build low carbon industries in a range of sectors, and also align Europe more closely to the world's potentially future largest economy.
Taken overall, both EU and Chinese leaders are increasingly recognizing that they have much to potentially gain from a deeper partnership, not least on the climate agenda. Now is thus the time for both parties to intensify cooperation to bolster growth, and define the landscape of the 21st century clean energy economy while Trump's United States sits on the sidelines.
Andrew Hammond (andrewkorea@outlook.com) is an Associate at LSE IDEAS at the London School of Economics.
