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Around 1,200 Ukrainian Koreans have sought asylum in Korea and their presence has renewed interest in the "Koryoin" (also known as the "Koryo Saram"), the descendants of Koreans who migrated to Russia in the 19th century or fled there during Japan's imperial rule of Korea.
There are an estimated 500,000 Koryoin now living in the former Soviet Union, with most concentrated in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Ukraine. Many of them were deported to Central Asia from the Russian Far East in the 1930s by Joseph Stalin, who feared that they represented a potential "fifth column" for a Japanese invasion from Korea.
Many of the Ukrainian refugees are living in existing Koryoin communities in Ansan, Gyeonggi, Incheon and Gwangju. Most are women, children and the elderly since men are prohibited from leaving Ukraine due to conscription.
An estimated 15,000 Koryoin and family members have fled Ukraine as refugees, with many now staying in Poland and Romania. About 20,000 to 40,000 ethnic Koreans were living in Ukraine before the war.
The mass resettlement of ethnic Koreans to Ukraine began in the 1960s so they could work on farms. More of them moved from Central Asia to Ukraine in the 1990s following the collapse of the Soviet Union. They have largely settled in the rich agricultural region of southern Ukraine, parts of which are now under Russian occupation. Vitaliy Kim, the current governor of Mykolayiv, which is still under Ukrainian control, is Koryoin.
Koryoin organizations in Korea are urging the government to issue emergency travel visas and accelerate the immigration process so that more can enter the country.
At the beginning of the Ukraine war on Feb. 24, there were more than 3,800 Ukrainian citizens living in Korea, with around 2,400 being Ukrainian Koryoin. The government has agreed to extend resident visas for all of them indefinitely. The influx of Ukrainian Koryoin could have interesting long-term implications for Korea.
Korea has been criticized for being reluctant to accept refugees despite pledges to promote international human rights. It has one of the lowest rates among developed countries in granting refugee status.
There were public protests in 2019 when more than 500 Yemeni men arrived on Jeju Island after fleeing the civil war in their country. Nearly 400 Afghans who had worked for the Korean Embassy in Kabul or affiliated aid agencies were allowed into the country last year after the Taliban seized power. But they were designated as "special contributors" rather than refugees, which was considered politically more palatable. Even North Korean refugees, who are granted special status under the South Korean Constitution, have found a less welcoming attitude in recent years.
If Seoul decided to welcome thousands of Ukrainian Koreans, it would help improve perceptions about Korea's global commitment to humanitarian assistance, a theme that was touched on during President Yoon Suk-yeol's inauguration address in May.
Accepting large numbers of Ukrainian Koreans would be an easier step than accepting Afghans and Yemenis because of the close ethnic bonds. Ethnic Korean foreigners have an easier time, for example, in acquiring Korean citizenship than other nationalities.
Moreover, the arrival of Ukrainian Koryoin also points to a longer-term solution in attracting immigrants to counter Korea's population decline. In the last decade, Korea has relied on migrants mainly from Southeast Asia to help cover labor shortages in factories and farms. But many of these migrant workers have faced opposition in a country that still values ethnic homogeneity.
The Koryoin in Russia and the former Soviet republics represent a large potential source of labor for Korea. Many are well-educated, allowing Korea to acquire high-value workers who are viewed as "well-suited" to live in an advanced industrial country.
Although not all Koryoin speak Korean, many have retained an interest in their cultural roots which makes assimilation easier. They have shown skill in being able to adapt since many have done well in the former Soviet sphere despite confronting considerable obstacles. More importantly, many would jump at the chance to live in a rich developed country.
Korea has never had any program to promote the return migration of the Koryoin from the former Soviet Union. It should look to the example of Germany. Ethnic Germans have lived in Russia for hundreds of years. Many fled to Germany at the end of World War II but another wave migrated to Germany after the breakup of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s with the assistance of the German government. It may be time for Korea to consider this policy. The regulations and practices used by the Germans could provide guidance. It may be what the Koryoin want and need.
Paul Tyson is a retired U.S. diplomat teaching diplomacy and government at New England College.