By Oh Young-jin
Assistant managing editor
1) Politics is a power game in which only the winners count.
2) There are no scripted rules for the game. The contestants do whatever it takes to win and then stay on the winning side.
3) By nature, it resembles the battle between the two gladiators in the Colosseum of the Roman Empire.
4) The two are engaged in a series of thrusts and parries with their swords or lances until one goes down.
5) The victor waits for a signal from the emperor. The emperor holds his thumbs down. The final blow terminates the life of the vanquished.
6) The crowd gets their share of excitement and goes home.
I wouldn't blame any reader for raising their eyebrows, wondering what these numbered statements mean. To cut it short, it is how I view the latest Cabinet reshuffle by President Lee Myung-bak and how it will affect us, the people, for the rest of his tenure. So bear with me and let's go over them one by one (sometimes two).
First, there is no disputing the winner-takes-all nature of politics. But on the flip side of it, this political proposition means that the losers are left with no say at all. As with any politician, President Lee doesn't want to lose because he very well knows that losing is the end.
Especially so, considering his five-year tenure has now crossed the half-way point and his presidency is bound to lose momentum and fast.
As with any previous heads of state, Lee wants to reverse the slide of power, although everybody knows it is futile. Still the nature of politics dictates the holder of power instinctively tries to swim against the currents.
This leads to Point 2.
Kim Tae-ho called himself a "son of a cow seller,'' when he spoke to reporters after his nomination as prime minister.
He was born to a poor farming family, graduated from an agricultural high school, worked his way through college and entered politics.
He has undergone a meteoritic rise from a local councilman to governor.
Besides, Kim is only 48 years old, a greenhorn in the Korean politics of patriarchy. Last time a 40something was prime minister, the government was a military junta that grabbed power through a coup.
Nevertheless, Kim is just the size to fit what President Lee needs at the moment.
First, Kim's youth makes the administration look younger, giving the impression that Lee's second half of governance still has something to offer. That is the power of youth but the question remains: Will Kim take charge and change the core of Lee's governance? Maybe or maybe not. Above all, the prime minister is by and large a ceremonial post with no real power. The real power lies with Lee Jae-oh, the new minister for special affairs, who is President Lee's political alter ego.
In addition, Kim's humble beginnings are again his forte.
The reshuffling followed a "chaebol bashing" started by Lee's reported observation, "The country doesn't exist only for Samsung and LG." Then, his ministers chimed in, one saying in public that he was mortified about the big profits Samsung made, thinking how many subcontractors suffered in the process.
At first, big conglomerates responded defiantly and then, as expected, complied, announcing packages of measures aimed to help the subcontractors, but merely in order to placate Lee's tantrum. Most of the measures are a rehash of what they have already been doing.
Lee's about-face was nothing less than a surprise to them because he likes to call himself a pro-business "CEO President," as a former CEO of Hyundai Engineering and Construction.
Still, Lee has scored points for his turning on the chaebol. This strong-arm tactic against big business often works well for no other reason than schadenfreude.
In all likelihood, Kim's appointment and the chaebol bashing won't constitute any core change in Lee's governing philosophy. .
Nos. 3 and 4 are also relevant to Kim. One of the vexing problems constantly plaguing President Lee is Park Geun-hye, the daughter of the late dictator Park Chung-hee, who is widely seen to become Lee's elected successor. Park has kept throwing a wrench into Lee's major projects such as his attempt to nix the existing plan to relocate parts of the government from Seoul. Kim can pose a challenge to Park and may even weaken her standing.
Regarding No. 5, Lee obviously would like to play the role of the emperor with a final say on the life of his political foe. However, things may not go as he plans. First because there is only one kind of power ― absolute power and that doesn't allow sharing.
If Kim beats Park, Kim would assume power for himself, which will in turn challenge Lee's.
It all ends at No. 6. We take the role of spectators and sometimes curse and at other times get excited as if watching the national team in the World Cup. The catch is that this political soccer drama often leaves one feeling bitter for nothing having been achieved despite all the hoopla and hype.
Assistant managing editor
1) Politics is a power game in which only the winners count.
2) There are no scripted rules for the game. The contestants do whatever it takes to win and then stay on the winning side.
3) By nature, it resembles the battle between the two gladiators in the Colosseum of the Roman Empire.
4) The two are engaged in a series of thrusts and parries with their swords or lances until one goes down.
5) The victor waits for a signal from the emperor. The emperor holds his thumbs down. The final blow terminates the life of the vanquished.
6) The crowd gets their share of excitement and goes home.
I wouldn't blame any reader for raising their eyebrows, wondering what these numbered statements mean. To cut it short, it is how I view the latest Cabinet reshuffle by President Lee Myung-bak and how it will affect us, the people, for the rest of his tenure. So bear with me and let's go over them one by one (sometimes two).
First, there is no disputing the winner-takes-all nature of politics. But on the flip side of it, this political proposition means that the losers are left with no say at all. As with any politician, President Lee doesn't want to lose because he very well knows that losing is the end.
Especially so, considering his five-year tenure has now crossed the half-way point and his presidency is bound to lose momentum and fast.
As with any previous heads of state, Lee wants to reverse the slide of power, although everybody knows it is futile. Still the nature of politics dictates the holder of power instinctively tries to swim against the currents.
This leads to Point 2.
Kim Tae-ho called himself a "son of a cow seller,'' when he spoke to reporters after his nomination as prime minister.
He was born to a poor farming family, graduated from an agricultural high school, worked his way through college and entered politics.
He has undergone a meteoritic rise from a local councilman to governor.
Besides, Kim is only 48 years old, a greenhorn in the Korean politics of patriarchy. Last time a 40something was prime minister, the government was a military junta that grabbed power through a coup.
Nevertheless, Kim is just the size to fit what President Lee needs at the moment.
First, Kim's youth makes the administration look younger, giving the impression that Lee's second half of governance still has something to offer. That is the power of youth but the question remains: Will Kim take charge and change the core of Lee's governance? Maybe or maybe not. Above all, the prime minister is by and large a ceremonial post with no real power. The real power lies with Lee Jae-oh, the new minister for special affairs, who is President Lee's political alter ego.
In addition, Kim's humble beginnings are again his forte.
The reshuffling followed a "chaebol bashing" started by Lee's reported observation, "The country doesn't exist only for Samsung and LG." Then, his ministers chimed in, one saying in public that he was mortified about the big profits Samsung made, thinking how many subcontractors suffered in the process.
At first, big conglomerates responded defiantly and then, as expected, complied, announcing packages of measures aimed to help the subcontractors, but merely in order to placate Lee's tantrum. Most of the measures are a rehash of what they have already been doing.
Lee's about-face was nothing less than a surprise to them because he likes to call himself a pro-business "CEO President," as a former CEO of Hyundai Engineering and Construction.
Still, Lee has scored points for his turning on the chaebol. This strong-arm tactic against big business often works well for no other reason than schadenfreude.
In all likelihood, Kim's appointment and the chaebol bashing won't constitute any core change in Lee's governing philosophy. .
Nos. 3 and 4 are also relevant to Kim. One of the vexing problems constantly plaguing President Lee is Park Geun-hye, the daughter of the late dictator Park Chung-hee, who is widely seen to become Lee's elected successor. Park has kept throwing a wrench into Lee's major projects such as his attempt to nix the existing plan to relocate parts of the government from Seoul. Kim can pose a challenge to Park and may even weaken her standing.
Regarding No. 5, Lee obviously would like to play the role of the emperor with a final say on the life of his political foe. However, things may not go as he plans. First because there is only one kind of power ― absolute power and that doesn't allow sharing.
If Kim beats Park, Kim would assume power for himself, which will in turn challenge Lee's.
It all ends at No. 6. We take the role of spectators and sometimes curse and at other times get excited as if watching the national team in the World Cup. The catch is that this political soccer drama often leaves one feeling bitter for nothing having been achieved despite all the hoopla and hype.
