By Hwang Jae-ho
Who might be the most famous Korean to the 100 million Vietnamese these days? The answer is definitely Park Hang-seo, coach of Vietnam's U-23 national football team. He has realized the dream of Vietnam by leading the team to the first semi-final at the Asian Games 2018.
In January, after only three months in the job, he led the team to the first semi-final match in the Asia Football Confederation U-23 Championship. This was not only a step forward for Vietnam, but also for all Southeast Asian countries. Due to Park's impressive performance, Vietnam's Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc invited Park and his team to his place on Vietnam's National Day.
By virtue of Park's record, Koreans also started being interested in Vietnam. Before, when thinking of Vietnam, Korea rather was more familiar with the image of a naked child running away from soldiers in the Vietnam War. But Vietnam is now considered the biggest and representative Southeast Asian country with a potential for development. In addition, it is one of the core countries of President Moon Jae-in's New Southern Policy.
In fact, Vietnam has several things in common with Korea. Vietnam has gone through national division and has fought against the major powers to gain its independence. Korea and Vietnam also were in the same boat in the sense of international politics that they had to combat during the Cold War. Seeing through the common flows, it would be interesting to look into Vietnam's security conditions and its diplomatic strategy. What will Vietnam's new circumstances be while it strives to build the New Vietnam through reform and opening? We invited Dr. Julia Luong Dinh from the Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam to shed some light on these and other issues.
Dr. Julia Luong DINH is a Senior research fellow at the Institute of Foreign Policy and Strategic Studies, Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam (DAV), and a lecturer in the Joint Training Programme between DAV and Victoria University of Wellington (New Zealand). Dr. Dinh got her Doctoral Degree from the University of Sydney. Her research background and interests are Chinese foreign policy, power politics, regionalism, international relation theory and practice in East Asia.
Q: What is the strong point/forte of Vietnamese foreign policy?
A: Built upon a time-honored diplomacy, Vietnamese foreign policy reflects centuries of diplomatic practice and aims to maintain a peaceful and stable environment for national development in a globalized world. A consistent foreign policy of self-reliance, independence, peace and cooperation under the leadership of state and government has effectively contributed to Vietnam's international integration, thus enhancing Vietnam's international status in a new situation. Currently, Vietnam boasts of a positive relationship with all five members in the UNSC, all leading industrial nations in the G7, 13 out of G20 member countries, worldwide networking with 27 strategic/comprehensive strategic partnerships and 12 new-generation FTAs (10 FTAs in effect), etc.
Q: How do you evaluate the Chinese foreign policy?
A: It is never an easy task to discuss China, and it is even more difficult to fully evaluate Chinese foreign policy in a rapidly changing world featured by uncertainties in these days. On the one hand, I believe that Chinese people are great in many ways, and China has all it needs to materialize its long-awaited rejuvenation as a great nation. As a big country, the Chinese government has quite a few policy instruments and strategies to pursue their goals and targets set on its ambitious agenda. At home, President Xi himself has, by the 19th Party Congress, consolidated his power and championed the domestic consensus in accelerating China's foreign policy and a global agenda thanks to the myth and pledge that the ruling Communist Party of China (CPC) under his paramount leadership is the only solution to China's problems. Internationally, China's "check diplomacy," coupled with its robust military, especially in its navy build-up in strategic waters, has garnered Beijing less trust than fear from its neighbors and partners near and far.
On the other hand, Beijing leaders, however, should be more aware of the fact that the utilization of power and resources has become increasingly "unconventional" in a rapidly changing world with "unconventional" practice and policy practitioners. China is facing the most crucial challenge to re-assert its position on the global stage both from within and from without. A long standoff with President Trump over trade would irresistibly result in CPC's tainted image and poor merits in governance, revealing the Achilles heel of China's economic structure/model and President's Xi failed commitments to sustain economic growth for China.
Q: How are current China-Vietnam relations?
A: From my own perspective, the current bilateral relations have left much to be desired given a number of untapped potentials. The consensus made among the high-ranking leaders and policy implementation have hardly dismissed the simmering grievances at the grassroots level. Lack of mutual trust in security and defense areas has been exacerbated by the ongoing strategic rivalry among regional powers. However, China and Vietnam have momentums to gain a substantive breakthrough in bilateral cooperation and envision an upward trajectory of the relations. Big powers like China have a bigger role and more policy instruments than the smaller one in determining the future course of this asymmetric relationship, especially in constructively resolving existing disputes between two sides. For its part, Vietnam should address concerns in relations with China from a strategic approach to pave the way for an inclusive and beneficial cooperation with the world's second-largest economy.
Q: What is the Vietnamese perspective/view on South Korea?
A: First, South Korea is a medium power in the Northeast Asia region. Assiduous efforts by South Korea to set in motion the initial steps of easing tension and hostilities, facilitating the reconciliation process on the Korean Peninsula, are remarkable contributions to regional peace and stability.
Second, South Korean companies' investments in Vietnam are expected to play an active role in bringing in the latter's sustainable development and the win-win fruits for both sides against the tide of protectionism and anti-globalization, serving as a good example of bilateral cooperation amidst a slowdown in regional and multilateral trading arrangements.
Third, Vietnam and South Korea have undergone thick and thin throughout history, sharing many commonalities in traditional culture, norms and values. The Vietnamese government and people highly value and treasure good neighborliness with South Korea.
Q: Since South Korea stands between the alliance with the U.S. and partnership with China, South Korea has lots of concerns. Where does Vietnam stand between the U.S. and China?
A: As I mentioned above, geopolitics and strategic rivalries among big powers do more harm to small countries. As a small country which long experienced power politics before and during the Cold War, Vietnam's consistent policy is to befriend all countries, not taking sides or going with any country against the third country. Vietnam is committed to persistently safeguarding national independence, sovereignty and legitimate interests in line with international law, and resolutely opposing any attempts to intervene in our internal affairs.
In short, the Korean media refers to Park Hang-seo's magic as the trend these days, however, I am looking forward to see Vietnam's magic. Once the Doi Moi Reform and Opening succeeds, it will become a development model. China's development model, which aims for 1.4billion people, might not be appropriate for small countries with less population. Furthermore, a confident and practical diplomacy will come along with magical effects. We are now anticipating what it will bring to the ROK-Vietnam relations.
Hwang Jae-ho is the director of the Global Security Cooperation Center, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul. Ko Sung-hwah, a researcher at the center, assisted Professor Hwang with the article
Who might be the most famous Korean to the 100 million Vietnamese these days? The answer is definitely Park Hang-seo, coach of Vietnam's U-23 national football team. He has realized the dream of Vietnam by leading the team to the first semi-final at the Asian Games 2018.
In January, after only three months in the job, he led the team to the first semi-final match in the Asia Football Confederation U-23 Championship. This was not only a step forward for Vietnam, but also for all Southeast Asian countries. Due to Park's impressive performance, Vietnam's Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc invited Park and his team to his place on Vietnam's National Day.
By virtue of Park's record, Koreans also started being interested in Vietnam. Before, when thinking of Vietnam, Korea rather was more familiar with the image of a naked child running away from soldiers in the Vietnam War. But Vietnam is now considered the biggest and representative Southeast Asian country with a potential for development. In addition, it is one of the core countries of President Moon Jae-in's New Southern Policy.
In fact, Vietnam has several things in common with Korea. Vietnam has gone through national division and has fought against the major powers to gain its independence. Korea and Vietnam also were in the same boat in the sense of international politics that they had to combat during the Cold War. Seeing through the common flows, it would be interesting to look into Vietnam's security conditions and its diplomatic strategy. What will Vietnam's new circumstances be while it strives to build the New Vietnam through reform and opening? We invited Dr. Julia Luong Dinh from the Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam to shed some light on these and other issues.
Dr. Julia Luong DINH is a Senior research fellow at the Institute of Foreign Policy and Strategic Studies, Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam (DAV), and a lecturer in the Joint Training Programme between DAV and Victoria University of Wellington (New Zealand). Dr. Dinh got her Doctoral Degree from the University of Sydney. Her research background and interests are Chinese foreign policy, power politics, regionalism, international relation theory and practice in East Asia.
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| Dr. Julia Luong Dinh |
Q: What is the strong point/forte of Vietnamese foreign policy?
A: Built upon a time-honored diplomacy, Vietnamese foreign policy reflects centuries of diplomatic practice and aims to maintain a peaceful and stable environment for national development in a globalized world. A consistent foreign policy of self-reliance, independence, peace and cooperation under the leadership of state and government has effectively contributed to Vietnam's international integration, thus enhancing Vietnam's international status in a new situation. Currently, Vietnam boasts of a positive relationship with all five members in the UNSC, all leading industrial nations in the G7, 13 out of G20 member countries, worldwide networking with 27 strategic/comprehensive strategic partnerships and 12 new-generation FTAs (10 FTAs in effect), etc.
Q: How do you evaluate the Chinese foreign policy?
A: It is never an easy task to discuss China, and it is even more difficult to fully evaluate Chinese foreign policy in a rapidly changing world featured by uncertainties in these days. On the one hand, I believe that Chinese people are great in many ways, and China has all it needs to materialize its long-awaited rejuvenation as a great nation. As a big country, the Chinese government has quite a few policy instruments and strategies to pursue their goals and targets set on its ambitious agenda. At home, President Xi himself has, by the 19th Party Congress, consolidated his power and championed the domestic consensus in accelerating China's foreign policy and a global agenda thanks to the myth and pledge that the ruling Communist Party of China (CPC) under his paramount leadership is the only solution to China's problems. Internationally, China's "check diplomacy," coupled with its robust military, especially in its navy build-up in strategic waters, has garnered Beijing less trust than fear from its neighbors and partners near and far.
On the other hand, Beijing leaders, however, should be more aware of the fact that the utilization of power and resources has become increasingly "unconventional" in a rapidly changing world with "unconventional" practice and policy practitioners. China is facing the most crucial challenge to re-assert its position on the global stage both from within and from without. A long standoff with President Trump over trade would irresistibly result in CPC's tainted image and poor merits in governance, revealing the Achilles heel of China's economic structure/model and President's Xi failed commitments to sustain economic growth for China.
Q: How are current China-Vietnam relations?
A: From my own perspective, the current bilateral relations have left much to be desired given a number of untapped potentials. The consensus made among the high-ranking leaders and policy implementation have hardly dismissed the simmering grievances at the grassroots level. Lack of mutual trust in security and defense areas has been exacerbated by the ongoing strategic rivalry among regional powers. However, China and Vietnam have momentums to gain a substantive breakthrough in bilateral cooperation and envision an upward trajectory of the relations. Big powers like China have a bigger role and more policy instruments than the smaller one in determining the future course of this asymmetric relationship, especially in constructively resolving existing disputes between two sides. For its part, Vietnam should address concerns in relations with China from a strategic approach to pave the way for an inclusive and beneficial cooperation with the world's second-largest economy.
Q: What is the Vietnamese perspective/view on South Korea?
A: First, South Korea is a medium power in the Northeast Asia region. Assiduous efforts by South Korea to set in motion the initial steps of easing tension and hostilities, facilitating the reconciliation process on the Korean Peninsula, are remarkable contributions to regional peace and stability.
Second, South Korean companies' investments in Vietnam are expected to play an active role in bringing in the latter's sustainable development and the win-win fruits for both sides against the tide of protectionism and anti-globalization, serving as a good example of bilateral cooperation amidst a slowdown in regional and multilateral trading arrangements.
Third, Vietnam and South Korea have undergone thick and thin throughout history, sharing many commonalities in traditional culture, norms and values. The Vietnamese government and people highly value and treasure good neighborliness with South Korea.
Q: Since South Korea stands between the alliance with the U.S. and partnership with China, South Korea has lots of concerns. Where does Vietnam stand between the U.S. and China?
A: As I mentioned above, geopolitics and strategic rivalries among big powers do more harm to small countries. As a small country which long experienced power politics before and during the Cold War, Vietnam's consistent policy is to befriend all countries, not taking sides or going with any country against the third country. Vietnam is committed to persistently safeguarding national independence, sovereignty and legitimate interests in line with international law, and resolutely opposing any attempts to intervene in our internal affairs.
In short, the Korean media refers to Park Hang-seo's magic as the trend these days, however, I am looking forward to see Vietnam's magic. Once the Doi Moi Reform and Opening succeeds, it will become a development model. China's development model, which aims for 1.4billion people, might not be appropriate for small countries with less population. Furthermore, a confident and practical diplomacy will come along with magical effects. We are now anticipating what it will bring to the ROK-Vietnam relations.
Hwang Jae-ho is the director of the Global Security Cooperation Center, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul. Ko Sung-hwah, a researcher at the center, assisted Professor Hwang with the article
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