By Oh Young-jin
U.S. President Trump likes to tweet as a communication tool.
But even in the age of social media, a big U.S. presidential speech can be a tool that tweets can't replace.
Two major speeches, one by John F. Kennedy, the other by Ronald Reagan, played key roles in helping the free world win the Cold War or most of it. JFK uttered "Ich bin ein Berliner" in 1963 to stand pat with the West Germans made anxious by the erection of the Berlin Wall.
Reagan challenged the last Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev to "tear down that wall" in 1987. The wall went down a few years later, knelling the death toll for communism.
Both speeches were made in Berlin, the heart of the divided Germany at the forefront of the ideological war.
Today, there are few places in the world that need such a speech as Seoul does.
Seoul is only an hour by car from the heavily fortified border where thousands of guns are pointed at North Korea, and thousands at us. The North is offspring that has outlived its ideological father, the Soviet Union, and lives not always harmoniously with its foster mother, China.
The stakes are no smaller in Seoul than in Berlin. The North is in the final stage of making nuclear-tipped inter-continental missiles that can hit the United States, terrorize its neighbors and trigger a third world war. Perhaps the chance of a nuclear war may be higher than during the era of mutually assured destruction.
Then, the U.S. and U.S.S.R got so scared neither would dare to push the button for a first strike. Even without the use of nukes, a pre-emptive strike to castrate the North's nuclear virility could immediately cost the lives of hundreds of thousands.
The problem is the current U.S. President Donald Trump is neither a Reagan nor a JFK.
The U.S. is not what it was then. It is disengaging itself from the rest of the world, tired of playing the same leading role for too long.
The world also is not what it was. Then, it was on the edge of its collective seat not knowing when the next shooting war _ a nuclear one _ would begin.
Perhaps what captures all these changes best was the location of Trump's latest speech in Warsaw.
Berlin is now the capital of unified Germany, no longer needing a speech from a foreign leader in its capital. Also Chancellor Angela Markel believes "Europe belongs to Europeans" and is in no mood to grant Trump such an honor. The Polish capital is different because it still feels Russia breathing down its neck and doesn't feel secure about the emergence of Germany, children of the Nazis.
Trump's speechwriters must have tried hard to minimize the loss of U.S. prestige by speaking not in Berlin but in Warsaw. A hint came when Trump talked about Poland as the geographical center of Europe.
More credit goes to them because the speech was powerful enough to revive the images of an impassioned JFK and an assured Reagan in places throughout. The reason was due in large measure to the tone of good ol' American optimism but, more specifically, for following the habit of the predecessors and laying out the old theme of protecting peace together, not passively but actively.
That same message would have been many times more powerful, if it were made in the heart of Seoul outdoors. The North has threatened to turn the capital of more than 10 million people into a sea of fire. It is not an idle lie because at least 7,000 reloadable and retractable artillery pieces nested in hardened shelters can fire a rain of shells into it. In no time the North will make its weapons of mass destruction sophisticated, inflicting damage many times greater on Seoulites. A counterattack will likely bring the Chinese and potentially the Russians as well into the conflict.
So it is imperative for the American leader to speak. Some may say it would be too big a shoe for Trump. Not really, the president is an institution that can survive the damage done by any one given holder of the office. Besides, the real power lies in its resurgent power when used in the right context.
For the speech to work, there are a couple of conditions.
First, it should be inclusive.
It needs new rules set for engaging China by recognizing it as a growing power and allowing the two to compete without antagonizing each other. The North's nuclear and missile threat may top their list of joint tasks. A declaration of guarantees for the North's continued existence may be offered or assurances for the settlement of unification and other key issues between the two Koreas should be made.
One ideal format of the speech to follow is JFK's 1963 American University commencement speech in which he specifically laid out rules of competition with the Soviet Union.
Second, the protocols would be as important as the content.
President Moon Jae-in should be persuaded to be an enthusiastic host and supporter for the Trump speech. The relationship between Korea and the U.S. should be reset as partners seeking common goals _ lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula and in the region and peaceful unification.
Then, it should be an outdoor speech, not indoors, following the tradition that big speeches are made outdoors.
Of course, there might be protests _ due to Trump's unpopularity and the Koreans' sense of pride _ but there were protests in the lead-up to Reagan's speech. It will require a lot of persuasive efforts but it won't be impossible.
By making a game-changing speech, Trump could have a better chance at his place on the good side of history as the U.S. president who makes America great again. The world would appreciate it.
Oh Young-jin is The Korea Times' chief editorial writer. Contact foolsdie5@ktimes.com and foolsdie@gmail.com.
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But even in the age of social media, a big U.S. presidential speech can be a tool that tweets can't replace.
Two major speeches, one by John F. Kennedy, the other by Ronald Reagan, played key roles in helping the free world win the Cold War or most of it. JFK uttered "Ich bin ein Berliner" in 1963 to stand pat with the West Germans made anxious by the erection of the Berlin Wall.
Reagan challenged the last Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev to "tear down that wall" in 1987. The wall went down a few years later, knelling the death toll for communism.
Both speeches were made in Berlin, the heart of the divided Germany at the forefront of the ideological war.
Today, there are few places in the world that need such a speech as Seoul does.
Seoul is only an hour by car from the heavily fortified border where thousands of guns are pointed at North Korea, and thousands at us. The North is offspring that has outlived its ideological father, the Soviet Union, and lives not always harmoniously with its foster mother, China.
The stakes are no smaller in Seoul than in Berlin. The North is in the final stage of making nuclear-tipped inter-continental missiles that can hit the United States, terrorize its neighbors and trigger a third world war. Perhaps the chance of a nuclear war may be higher than during the era of mutually assured destruction.
Then, the U.S. and U.S.S.R got so scared neither would dare to push the button for a first strike. Even without the use of nukes, a pre-emptive strike to castrate the North's nuclear virility could immediately cost the lives of hundreds of thousands.
The problem is the current U.S. President Donald Trump is neither a Reagan nor a JFK.
The U.S. is not what it was then. It is disengaging itself from the rest of the world, tired of playing the same leading role for too long.
The world also is not what it was. Then, it was on the edge of its collective seat not knowing when the next shooting war _ a nuclear one _ would begin.
Perhaps what captures all these changes best was the location of Trump's latest speech in Warsaw.
Berlin is now the capital of unified Germany, no longer needing a speech from a foreign leader in its capital. Also Chancellor Angela Markel believes "Europe belongs to Europeans" and is in no mood to grant Trump such an honor. The Polish capital is different because it still feels Russia breathing down its neck and doesn't feel secure about the emergence of Germany, children of the Nazis.
Trump's speechwriters must have tried hard to minimize the loss of U.S. prestige by speaking not in Berlin but in Warsaw. A hint came when Trump talked about Poland as the geographical center of Europe.
More credit goes to them because the speech was powerful enough to revive the images of an impassioned JFK and an assured Reagan in places throughout. The reason was due in large measure to the tone of good ol' American optimism but, more specifically, for following the habit of the predecessors and laying out the old theme of protecting peace together, not passively but actively.
That same message would have been many times more powerful, if it were made in the heart of Seoul outdoors. The North has threatened to turn the capital of more than 10 million people into a sea of fire. It is not an idle lie because at least 7,000 reloadable and retractable artillery pieces nested in hardened shelters can fire a rain of shells into it. In no time the North will make its weapons of mass destruction sophisticated, inflicting damage many times greater on Seoulites. A counterattack will likely bring the Chinese and potentially the Russians as well into the conflict.
So it is imperative for the American leader to speak. Some may say it would be too big a shoe for Trump. Not really, the president is an institution that can survive the damage done by any one given holder of the office. Besides, the real power lies in its resurgent power when used in the right context.
For the speech to work, there are a couple of conditions.
First, it should be inclusive.
It needs new rules set for engaging China by recognizing it as a growing power and allowing the two to compete without antagonizing each other. The North's nuclear and missile threat may top their list of joint tasks. A declaration of guarantees for the North's continued existence may be offered or assurances for the settlement of unification and other key issues between the two Koreas should be made.
One ideal format of the speech to follow is JFK's 1963 American University commencement speech in which he specifically laid out rules of competition with the Soviet Union.
Second, the protocols would be as important as the content.
President Moon Jae-in should be persuaded to be an enthusiastic host and supporter for the Trump speech. The relationship between Korea and the U.S. should be reset as partners seeking common goals _ lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula and in the region and peaceful unification.
Then, it should be an outdoor speech, not indoors, following the tradition that big speeches are made outdoors.
Of course, there might be protests _ due to Trump's unpopularity and the Koreans' sense of pride _ but there were protests in the lead-up to Reagan's speech. It will require a lot of persuasive efforts but it won't be impossible.
By making a game-changing speech, Trump could have a better chance at his place on the good side of history as the U.S. president who makes America great again. The world would appreciate it.
Oh Young-jin is The Korea Times' chief editorial writer. Contact foolsdie5@ktimes.com and foolsdie@gmail.com.
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