Washington should be a fair arbiter, not partial kibitzer
Unlike Europe, which has largely healed from the wounds of World War II, Northeast Asia still suffers from its nightmarish memory. The open sores become more painful on certain special occasions ― such as this year, the 70th anniversary of the end of WW II ― making affected nations more sensitive than usual.
It was especially regrettable in this regard that a top U.S. diplomat recently made slanted remarks that rubbed salt into the wounds of the victimized countries while siding with the perpetrator.
"Nationalist feelings can still be exploited, and it's not hard for a political leader anywhere to earn cheap applause by vilifying a former enemy," said Wendy Sherman, U.S. undersecretary of state for political affairs, at a seminar in Washington, D.C. Friday.
Undersecretary Sherman did not cite political leaders by name, but anyone could know because the workshop was about Northeast Asia. Presidents Park Geun-hye and Xi Jinping of China have become leaders who seek to score political points at home by fanning nationalism. Sherman did not mention Japan's political leader who Asians think has pandered to nationalists by whitewashing his country's wartime wrongs.
Astonishing was not just the content of Sherman's speech but the wording of her remarks and its undiplomatic nature.
Noting that quarrels among Korea, China and Japan over issues such as comfort women, history books and sea names were understandable but frustrating, Sherman said: "such provocations produce paralysis, not progress." These are hardly the expressions diplomats should use in reference to what leaders of allies have done. To hear Sherman, some Americans who are total strangers to Asian history might confuse which country was the injurer and which were the injured.
Rep. Kim Eul-dong of the ruling Saenuri Party probably best summed up the feelings of Koreans, saying, ''Can U.S. officials go to Europe and say, ‘let's forgive the Nazis and take collective responsibility for it'"? One might hope the U.S. undersecretary's comments reflected her personal views and not her government's, but as the No. 3 person in the U.S. state department her ranking is too high and important to allow such naive thinking.
This inevitably leads to the question: Has the Obama administration decided to drop its neutral position and stand on the side of Tokyo, possibly out of frustration with the estranged ties between Korea and Japan and Seoul's alliance with Beijing in regional historical disputes? If so, that would also be not entirely incomprehensible but frustrating ― and risky for all parties involved because nothing would be more dangerous for regional and global peace than allowing Japan's rearmament without forcing it to fully and genuinely repent for past misdeeds, as the U.S. experienced itself during the Pacific War.
The possible shift of the U.S. position, probably to keep China in check by allying with Japan may fit well with America's short-term strategy of maximizing economic and other national interests. However, siding with perpetrators at the expense of victims would weaken America's moral superiority as the global police, reaffirming its dualistic diplomacy.
Koreans will be watching closely when Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe delivers a speech before the U.S. Congress in May, and issues a statement in August. If Abe's words fall short of reasonable expectations, they will think the U.S. is at least in part responsible, too.
Unlike Europe, which has largely healed from the wounds of World War II, Northeast Asia still suffers from its nightmarish memory. The open sores become more painful on certain special occasions ― such as this year, the 70th anniversary of the end of WW II ― making affected nations more sensitive than usual.
It was especially regrettable in this regard that a top U.S. diplomat recently made slanted remarks that rubbed salt into the wounds of the victimized countries while siding with the perpetrator.
"Nationalist feelings can still be exploited, and it's not hard for a political leader anywhere to earn cheap applause by vilifying a former enemy," said Wendy Sherman, U.S. undersecretary of state for political affairs, at a seminar in Washington, D.C. Friday.
Undersecretary Sherman did not cite political leaders by name, but anyone could know because the workshop was about Northeast Asia. Presidents Park Geun-hye and Xi Jinping of China have become leaders who seek to score political points at home by fanning nationalism. Sherman did not mention Japan's political leader who Asians think has pandered to nationalists by whitewashing his country's wartime wrongs.
Astonishing was not just the content of Sherman's speech but the wording of her remarks and its undiplomatic nature.
Noting that quarrels among Korea, China and Japan over issues such as comfort women, history books and sea names were understandable but frustrating, Sherman said: "such provocations produce paralysis, not progress." These are hardly the expressions diplomats should use in reference to what leaders of allies have done. To hear Sherman, some Americans who are total strangers to Asian history might confuse which country was the injurer and which were the injured.
Rep. Kim Eul-dong of the ruling Saenuri Party probably best summed up the feelings of Koreans, saying, ''Can U.S. officials go to Europe and say, ‘let's forgive the Nazis and take collective responsibility for it'"? One might hope the U.S. undersecretary's comments reflected her personal views and not her government's, but as the No. 3 person in the U.S. state department her ranking is too high and important to allow such naive thinking.
This inevitably leads to the question: Has the Obama administration decided to drop its neutral position and stand on the side of Tokyo, possibly out of frustration with the estranged ties between Korea and Japan and Seoul's alliance with Beijing in regional historical disputes? If so, that would also be not entirely incomprehensible but frustrating ― and risky for all parties involved because nothing would be more dangerous for regional and global peace than allowing Japan's rearmament without forcing it to fully and genuinely repent for past misdeeds, as the U.S. experienced itself during the Pacific War.
The possible shift of the U.S. position, probably to keep China in check by allying with Japan may fit well with America's short-term strategy of maximizing economic and other national interests. However, siding with perpetrators at the expense of victims would weaken America's moral superiority as the global police, reaffirming its dualistic diplomacy.
Koreans will be watching closely when Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe delivers a speech before the U.S. Congress in May, and issues a statement in August. If Abe's words fall short of reasonable expectations, they will think the U.S. is at least in part responsible, too.
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