Kim Moon-soo walks a tightrope between right-wing support and centrist appeal

Kim Moon-soo, third from left, presidential candidate of the People Power Party, gestures as he is on the campaign trail in Jeonju, North Jeolla Province, Saturday. Yonhap

This past week has been an arduous one for Kim Moon-soo, marked by internal strife. It was more eventful than the previous week, during which his status as the People Power Party’s (PPP) presidential candidate hung in the balance. Ultimately, grassroots PPP members overturned the leadership’s top-down decision to replace Kim with former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo, reinstating Kim as the party's candidate.

Though relieved that his candidacy had survived a political roller coaster, Kim’s sense of relief was fleeting.

After officially registering as the PPP’s official nominee on May 11, he launched his campaign the very next day, beginning with rallies in Daegu Metropolitan City and the surrounding North Gyeongsang Province — traditional strongholds of the conservative party. The local response was enthusiastic, injecting renewed energy into his campaign.

Returning to Seoul, however, Kim found himself politically isolated. His former rivals from the PPP primaries were unwilling to support him, leaving the party fractured just weeks before the June 3 election. This lack of unity severely hindered efforts to mount a cohesive challenge against the Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) and its candidate, Lee Jae-myung.

One of the party's most vocal dissenters, former Daegu Mayor Hong Joon-pyo, expressed strong resentment toward the PPP leadership. He accused them of manipulating the nomination process to favor Han Duck-soo, claiming that the primaries were designed to give the appearance of democracy while ensuring a pliable candidate would be selected. Hong argued that Kim was chosen over seven other contenders precisely because party insiders viewed him as easier to control.

On social media, Hong attacked key PPP figures — former interim leader Kwon Young-se and floor leader Kweon Seong-dong — labeling them a “Gang of Two” responsible for the party’s dysfunction. Soon after, he left the party altogether.

Han Dong-hoon, who finished as runner-up in the primaries, also withheld his support. Despite publicly conceding defeat, the former prosecutor demanded that Kim accept a three-point proposal as a condition for cooperation. The demands included: severing ties with ousted President Yoon Suk Yeol and his wife Kim Keon Hee; issuing a public apology for Kim’s perceived leniency toward Yoon’s martial law decree and opposition toward impeachment; and apologizing for allegedly reneging on a promise to unify his candidacy with that of the former prime minister. Without these commitments, Han declared, he would not join the campaign.

Kim has not responded to Han’s demands.

Contrary to his earlier promises, former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo also declined to support Kim. He politely rejected an invitation to serve as co-chief campaign strategist, suggesting he might be open to collaboration in a different capacity. Since then, however, he has remained silent.

The PPP remains deeply divided after concluding its primary process, with Kim unable to consolidate support. The refusal of Hong, Han Dong-hoon and Han Duck-soo to cooperate has left their respective supporters estranged from Kim, as they were during the primaries. In this fragmented environment, Kim has struggled to rally the political capital necessary to energize his campaign, which remains mired in internal conflict.

With the June 3 presidential election just two weeks away, Kim faces a dual crisis. Internally, he must navigate deepening party infighting; externally, he is up against a formidable opponent, the DPK's Lee. Polls continue to show Kim trailing far behind Lee in voter support.

The People Power Party's presidential canddiate Kim Moon-soo pays a tearful tribute during his attendance at a ceremony to commemorate the May 18 Uprising in Gwangju, Sunday. Yonhap

Bond between presidential candidate and ousted president

Within the conservative PPP, growing calls emerged to sever ties with the ousted president. Advocates for the move argued that Yoon’s continued association with the conservative party was detrimental, saying he should voluntarily step down from party affiliation. Some more radical voices even insisted that if Yoon refused, the party should expel him outright.

However, such actions could have had significant consequences, warned a political expert.

“Any forceful attempt to push Yoon out of the party against his will is likely to backfire,” said Lee Cheol-soon, a professor of political science at Pusan National University. “Despite being ousted, he still commands considerable influence among his supporters. The key question is whether the potential benefits of cutting ties with Yoon outweigh the likely political fallout.”

Lee emphasized that the conservative party stands to lose more if internal debate over Yoon’s membership continues.

“With the June 3 election fast approaching, the PPP would be wiser to focus on unity rather than remain divided over what is ultimately a secondary issue,” he said. “At this critical juncture, working together as a team to defeat the DPK and its candidate Lee Jae-myung should be the party’s top priority. Finger-pointing will only undermine their cohesion and effectiveness.”

In a move that may defuse the situation, Yoon voluntarily left the party on Saturday. The former president announced his departure from the PPP in a statement posted to social media, stating that his decision was motivated by a desire to "save the nation in peril" and pledging to continue fighting for democracy as a private citizen.

“This is a make-or-break moment for the country,” Yoon wrote. “South Korea stands at a crossroads. Depending on the outcome of this presidential election, we will either remain a thriving free democracy or see our hard-won freedoms eroded. The nation's future hinges on this vote.”

Despite his exit from the party, Yoon made clear that his support for Kim Moon-soo remains unwavering. He urged voters to rally behind the PPP’s candidate, warning that the opposing forces, if elected, would threaten the nation’s sovereignty.

Yoon’s voluntary departure, coupled with his continued endorsement of Kim, is a best-case scenario for the embattled candidate. It allows Kim to maintain the support of Yoon’s loyal base without being burdened by the former president’s controversial presence within the party.

Presidential candidate Kim Moon-soo, second row fourth from left, speaks at a campaign rally in Jeonju, North Jeolla Province, Saturday. Yonhap

'Asphalt right-wing movement'

For Kim, the support of Yoon’s loyalists is a vital asset to his presidential campaign. Severing ties with the ousted president would risk alienating this critical base — and could prove politically disastrous.

Kim’s relationship with Yoon is more complex than it appears. While he served as labor minister under Yoon’s administration, their connection runs deeper than a shared government tenure. They are ideologically aligned, particularly on the issue of election integrity — an issue that both have championed publicly and controversially.

Yoon defended his declaration of martial law as a last resort to protect Korea’s democracy. He argued that the country’s election infrastructure was highly vulnerable to foreign interference and that institutional resistance — particularly from the National Election Commission — made it nearly impossible to enact reforms through peaceful means. Thus, he claimed, martial law was a necessary step.

This belief is not isolated to Yoon. Kim shares his concern about the integrity of Korea's elections.

Kim has long been involved in the so-called "asphalt right-wing movement" — a term referring to the hardcore conservative protests that have taken place in central Seoul since the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye in 2017. These rallies, held weekly in Gwanghwamun Square, began as protests against Park's removal and have since evolved to focus on alleged election fraud. The movement gained new momentum after the April 2020 National Assembly elections, in which the DPK won a landslide 180 out of 300 seats. The right-wing protesters claimed the election was rigged, citing the DPK’s unexpected victory despite widespread public dissatisfaction.

After stepping down as Gyeonggi Province governor in 2014, Kim became an active participant in the movement, both as an organizer and frequent speaker. This grassroots network of passionate right-wing activists played a key role in rallying public support for Yoon following his controversial martial law decree.

To the PPP, these right-wing groups present both an opportunity and a risk.

As the election approaches, their energy and mobilization capabilities are a valuable asset. However, their presence is also a source of anxiety within the party. The national conversation over election integrity is sharply polarized, with critics dismissing the movement’s claims as conspiracy theories. Surveys show that around 40 percent of the public considers election fraud a legitimate concern, but the topic remains divisive.

Some PPP lawmakers fear that embracing the right-wing activists could alienate centrist voters. In Korean politics, winning an election typically follows a clear formula: first, secure unwavering support from your base — known as “domestic rabbits”— then appeal to the broader electorate, or “wild rabbits,” to win swing votes. The right-wing activists are undoubtedly part of the PPP’s traditional base.

The challenge, as some party insiders point out, is that the interests of traditional supporters and swing voters may be mutually exclusive. Open alignment with election denialists could hurt the PPP’s ability to appeal to moderate voters, they claim.

As a result, the internal debate within the PPP over how to handle its right-wing supporters — and whether they are ultimately an asset or a liability — is far from over.