KATUSA under siege
Scandal over justice minister's son exposes military program's lax personnel management
By Kang Seung-woo
Since its establishment two months after the outbreak of the Korean War on June 25, 1950, the Korean Augmentation To the United States Army (KATUSA) program has earned its stripes as an elite military unit.
Some 43,660 KATUSA soldiers fought alongside American soldiers in major battles during the three-year conflict on the Korean Peninsula, leaving 10,238 dead or injured. Even after the war ended in an armistice, KATUSAs have remained with their U.S. comrades in the barracks and helped them serve as a deterrent to North Korea, gaining recognition as an integral component of the Korea-U.S. alliance.
However, in the wake of a scandal over alleged preferential treatment given to Justice Minister Choo Mi-ae's son during his mandatory military service with the KATUSA, the military program is under siege for its operational problems that had been overlooked, with critics calling for the military authorities to tighten the lax supervision of its troops assigned to the Eighth U.S. Army (EUSA) that have been placed in a blind spot of personnel management between the Korean and U.S. militaries.
Some even question if the nation still needs the special unit, which the U.S. Army does not operate in its other alliances.
About 3,000 KATUSA soldiers are currently serving in U.S. bases across the nation and the Military Manpower Administration plans to select 1,590 more for next year.
Among all able-bodied Korean men who are subject to conscription, the KATUSA units are a popular choice ― although applicants have to go through an involved entry process, including an English proficiency test ― owing to its ostensibly better living conditions compared to the regular Korean military, as highlighted by the freedom to leave the base daily ― a practice that opens the door to unauthorized absence.
In March last year, five KATUSA sergeants who served at Camp Casey in Dongducheon, Gyeonggi Province, were indicted on charges of going absent without leave (AWOL) for up to 32 days. According to a military investigation, the soldiers went AWOL because they wanted to study at home and visit libraries.
In another case, a KATUSA soldier, stationed at the U.S. Army Garrison (USAG) Yongsan in Seoul, left his post and spent the final five months of his service at his home; the Korean military authorities were unaware of this until after he was discharged.
The scandal involving the justice minister's son exposed another case of the military's lax personnel management of KATUSA soldiers.
The case centers on allegations that Choo used her influence as the then chairwoman of the ruling Democratic Party of Korea to have her son granted an extended 23-day leave for knee surgery, while he was serving with the 2nd Infantry Division. However, medical certificates for her son's sick leave and records on the administrative order approving his leave have not been found.
A recent inspection revealed the poor management of KATUSA documents related to soldiers' emergency leave for medical treatment over the past four years.
According to the Korean Army Support Group, 493 KATUSA soldiers took sick leave from 2016 to 2019, but the military failed to preserve relevant documents for 469 among them ― although it was supposed to keep them for five years ― raising calls on the military to improve supervision of the KATUSA program.
KATUSA soldiers abide by the same rules and regulations that their fellow Korean soldiers do in terms of promotions, leave and discipline, while following the U.S. Army's regulations regarding military exercises and operations.
“Although KATUSA soldiers abide by the Korean Army's regulations, I do not think that relevant rules regarding leave as well as going out and staying out overnight are observed by KATUSAs, as evidenced by the case of the justice minister's son,” a military officer said on condition of anonymity.
“For example, if they have to return from leave on Friday, they appear to make a habit of returning on Sunday because the American soldiers are off on Saturday and Sunday.”
Some are taking issue with the “special treatment” of the elite group of troops.
According to Rep. Lee Che-ik of the main opposition People Power Party, KATUSA soldiers face lighter punishment than regular Korean Army troops.
Over the last decade, only 11 KATUSAs have been court-martialed for unauthorized leave, including the five sergeants, and many of them have not been subject to disciplinary action, according to Rep. Lee.
For example, a KATUSA soldier, who went off-post to receive medical treatment then went missing for 14 hours because he was drinking, was acquitted for a lack of evidence, while another went AWOL for two days due to a break-up, but he had his indictment suspended.
By comparison, a Korean Army private first class and an Air Force senior airman who deserted their respective posts for 12 and 41 hours were given one-year jail sentences, suspended for two years.
“Despite similar charges, punishments imposed on KATUSAs and those serving in the Korean military are much different. The military prosecution and court must administer the law equally,” Lee said.
In addition, although former EUSA commanders have praised KATUSA soldiers for their performances side by side their American counterparts, the U.S. government does not seem to acknowledge their contribution to the U.S. Forces Korea's (USFK) defense mission on the peninsula.
The Korean defense ministry spends 10 billion won ($8.6 million) each year on the KATUSA program and according to a study by the Korean Army Support Group, the military program helps the U.S. save $90 million annually in its USFK operations.
However, Washington has ignored the KATUSA contributions to the USFK in the defense cost-sharing talks with Seoul. Last year, Korea paid $860 million for the upkeep of the 28,500-strong American troops here under the Special Measures Agreement (SMA) and the U.S. government wants $1.3 billion for 2020 ― a nearly 50 percent increase from last year. Due to the huge gap, the allies have yet to strike a deal despite multiple rounds of negotiations dating back to September last year.
In that respect, civic groups insist that the SMA should include the nation's assignment of KATUSA soldiers in terms of Korea's burden-sharing portion.
“It is time to reflect on whether we still need the KATUSA program,” another military officer said on condition of anonymity. “In the past when the country was not rich enough to pay for U.S. military presence, we assigned KATUSAs to the U.S. Army to make up for Korea's lack of financial contribution with outstanding human resources.”
Most soldiers enlisted with the KATUSA unit are in college or have graduated, and have recorded high academic achievements.
“But now we pay the U.S. a lot under SMA,” the officer added.
“Although many trumpet the KATUSA program's contributions to the ROK-U.S. alliance, it is a question of how it is contributing, given that the U.S. side counts them out of the SMA negotiations.”
Yang Wook, a professor of the Graduate School of National Defense Strategy at Hannam University, also said Korea would be better off hiring civilians and assigning them to U.S. bases instead of KATUSA soldiers.
“Although we pay to keep U.S. troops here, the KATUSA program's contributions are not included in the SMA negotiations. In that respect, it would be better to employ ordinary people like civilians working in the military and send them to U.S. bases rather than sending KATUSA soldiers, who are outstanding human resources, to the U.S. Army,” Yang said.