
Former President Yoon Suk Yeol attends a hearing of his trial on charges of obstructing official duties at the Seoul Central District Court in Seocho District, Seoul, Sept. 26. Joint Press Corps
The latest Gallup Korea survey is a political earthquake: Former President Yoon Suk Yeol now ranks as the least respected modern Korean president, surpassing even Chun Doo-hwan. Chun was an unpopular military dictator whose coup and bloody suppression of the 1980 Gwangju Uprising left a permanent scar on the nation.
Yoon’s approval stands at just 12 percent, while 77 percent of respondents rate his presidency negatively. That a democratically elected former leader facing insurrection charges is judged worse than a symbol of authoritarian brutality is a damning indictment not only of him but also of the political system that enabled his rise.
Yoon’s failings were systemic. The People Power Party (PPP), now the main opposition, allowed an insular, reckless and authoritarian-leaning administration to flourish. From the beginning, Yoon filled key posts with loyalists from the prosecution, reflecting a government guided by patronage, not competence. Policies were rushed and ill-conceived, with medical school quotas expanded overnight, research and development funding slashed and vital national priorities mismanaged. The mishandling of issues related to first lady Kim Keon Hee only deepened the impression of a leadership that was arrogant, secretive and impervious to criticism.
The Yoon administration's darkest moment was the Dec. 3 martial law declaration, an extraordinary act that the Constitutional Court has since declared unconstitutional. That such a direct assault on democratic norms could be attempted under an elected government, with the tacit approval of the ruling party, is staggering. A responsible political party would have recognized its duty, acknowledged complicity and acted immediately to restore public trust. The PPP failed to fulfill any of these responsibilities.
Instead, the party now flounders with half-measures. First-term lawmakers call for an unambiguous apology and a definitive break from Yoon. The leadership responds with hollow statements and partisan deflections, shifting blame to the ruling Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) for forcing circumstances beyond their supposed control. Claiming “responsibility” while passing the buck is not leadership: It is moral cowardice.
Yoon himself added fuel to mounting public anger by desperately defending himself and avoiding accountability, while shifting blame to former subordinates during court hearings. His abrasive behavior prompted criticism from many observers, apparently alienating swing voters who value common sense and democratic principles. Yoon should humbly reflect on his actions and candidly admit that the nation’s current confusion and hardships were caused mainly by his martial law fiasco. Yoon and his wife must attentively listen to PPP Rep. Bae Hyun-jin, who called the former first lady “vulgar” and urged the PPP to distance itself from the “miserable history” of the martial law declaration.
The consequences are stark. Moderate voters, crucial to national elections, give the PPP just 15 percent support, barely one-third of the DPK’s 45 percent. Party support has stagnated at 24 percent for a year, despite the DPK’s mounting scandals. A party incapable of capitalizing on its opponent’s vulnerabilities is not merely ineffective but politically irrelevant.
Yet the PPP’s leadership continues its pattern of failure. Plans to increase the weight of party member votes to 70 percent in local primaries would further empower hardliners, alienate moderates and entrench ideological extremism. Tours of conservative strongholds and framing elections as existential ideological battles signal a retreat into partisanship, not commitment to responsible governance.
Apology is not defeat; rather, it is the bare minimum of accountability. A party unwilling to admit its complicity in undermining constitutional norms has forfeited its claim to lead. Lawmakers demanding accountability are not dissenters; they are the last line of defense for the party’s credibility, and for the integrity of Korean democracy itself.
The solution is clear. The PPP must issue an unambiguous apology, cut all political ties with Yoon and demonstrate a renewed commitment to democratic norms through decisive action. Without reflection, the party will continue to drift, alienate moderates and jeopardize its national relevance.
The public is watching. The People Power Party faces a stark choice: reform and reckon with its failures or vanish from mainstream politics. It must self-reflect before it is too late.