If one measures a society's maturity by the frequency of clashes between police and people, ours is at kindergartner level.
One more such scuffle took place on Friday at the nation's largest public broadcaster, in the course of what could be seen as the government's attempt to oust its head by force.
Lacking in objective, plausible information between two diametric assertions by the government and the Korea Broadcasting System, it is not easy for the public to judge whether the KBS' president, Jung Yun-joo, has done his job so poorly as to invite attention from the police.
One might just presume, however, that there have been some problems with the liberal journalist-turned-broadcaster chief's management in terms of ethics and performance, if the unionists' persistent call for his voluntary resignation is firmly grounded. Even Jung inadvertently admitted the KBS' lax operation in countering the union's attacks.
The public broadcasting company's various problems are hardly news, however. In short, KBS seems to have almost all the problems of a loosely-run state enterprise, but with the influence of a powerful media corporation able to camouflage its troubles. One needs to look no further than Jung's own revelation that 10 of the 16 employees at KBS transmitting station in Jeju, all of whom receive 100 million or more a year, are doing nothing.
It is hard to know whether Jung should be solely held accountable for the structural ailments. He of course should take moral responsibility as CEO, but the way the government virtually forced him out last week was problematic for at least two reasons.
First, both the KBS board's decision to axe Jung and his actual dismissal by President Lee Myung-bak, which will likely come some time this week, are not guaranteed by law, leaving room for protracted legal disputes.
Second, the whole happening smacks too much of a power struggle between opposing political parties as well as an ideological clash, which has become a daily event since the change of government.
President Lee's top media aide, Park Hyung-joon, did not even try to conceal Cheong Wa Dae's intention to tame the public broadcaster to a more pliant mouthpiece of the administration. ``It is not desirable the `national' broadcaster is in confrontation with `state power,' " he said. Others in the government and the ruling Grand National Party were more outspoken, calling for the removal of ``leftists from the official broadcasting station,'' claiming it was behind the candlelight protests and the nose-diving approval rate of President Lee.
In making these allegations, the ruling elites are in the wrong for three reasons. First, KBS is neither national nor official but a public broadcasting company, and therefore should be seen from the viewpoints of whom it serves, not its legal ownership.
Second, an administration should not be synonymous with the state, let alone nation. The Lee administration officials are confusing this.
Third, the public is not just influenced by public broadcasters and other network stations but also by newspapers, cable stations, and Internet media.
It seems wise to reserve judgment on the KBS situation for the time being until more correct and creditable information is provided to the public. If at least one thing should be certain, however, it is that people and democracy would absolutely prefer a broadcaster, which freely criticizes the government, not one speaking on behalf of those in power.
The time is long past that the nation started extensive research into good models of public broadcasters abroad, both in terms of journalistic credibility and managerial efficiency.
It is clear the KBS currently falls in neither category and will likely remain in such a position even if the government replaces its head with one more to its liking.