Digital power broker: How YouTuber weaponizes influence to shape the DPK power game

Rep. Jung Chung-rae, left, chairman of the ruling Democratic Party of Korea, is seen with YouTuber Kim Ou-joon in this image captured from Kim's YouTube channel. Captured from YouTube

Although President Lee Jae Myung has been in office for less than a year, power struggles ahead of the next presidential election have already begun. If not properly managed, these struggles could spiral out of control, ultimately undermining not only Lee’s leadership but also the ruling Democratic Party of Korea (DPK).

Tensions are brewing within the ruling camp. Prime Minister Kim Min-seok has been at odds with Kim Ou-joon, a popular progressive YouTuber who wields considerable influence on the left. Within the ruling camp, Kim Ou-joon has emerged as a power broker, allegedly seeking to use his influence to shape the internal power game in favor of his preferred politician — DPK Chairman Jung Chung-rae.

The two Kims clashed over a public opinion survey related to the Seoul mayoral election, scheduled for June 3.

On Dec. 1, 2025, Prime Minister Kim requested polling agencies remove his name from the list of potential candidates, stating that he had no intention of running in the election. His request, however, was ignored. In a recent poll conducted by Flower Research — a polling agency run by Kim Ou-joon — the prime minister’s name appeared on the list of potential candidates.

In the survey, the prime minister ranked third among progressive candidates with a support rate of 7.3 percent, trailing Seongdong District Mayor Chong Won-o and Rep. Park Ju-min of the ruling DPK. Chong topped the poll with 20.9 percent support, followed by Park at 10 percent and the prime minister. Kim Ou-joon disclosed the poll results on his channel.

The Prime Minister’s Office reacted furiously. At the time, Kim Min-seok was on a business trip to the United States. In a text message sent to journalists, the office issued a strongly worded protest.

“Despite our earlier request, some polling agencies continue to survey the prime minister as a potential candidate,” the statement read. “The office expresses deep regret over this.” It claimed that the pollster had crossed a line and urged him to remove the prime minister from future candidate lists.

Kim Ou-joon refused to back down. On his channel, he said he had no intention of complying with the request.

“What he said is understandable, but he should know that as a polling agency, we have the right to add or remove figures from our survey lists,” he said. “That decision is entirely ours.”

Kim Ou-joon rose to public prominence in 2011 following the phenomenal success of his satirical political podcast "NaGgomSu" (I Am a Petty Trickster). He is widely credited as a pioneer who reshaped how Koreans consume political news and satire.

Hahm Sung-deuk, dean of the Graduate School of Political Studies and Naun Chair Professor of Political Science and Law at Kyonggi University, said Kim’s influence among staunch DPK supporters cannot be overstated.

“Among them, Kim is the ‘one top’ — an unrivaled journalist,” Hahm said. “His influence is enormous. You can see numerous YouTube channels across the political spectrum trying to replicate the success of Kim’s news channel, but none has surpassed his popularity.”

However, Hahm added that Kim, like other political YouTubers, has also contributed to the polarization of the Korean public. “In an effort to appeal to audiences, alternative media outlets like Kim’s channel have pushed toward the extremes,” he said. “This has fueled problems of information credibility and political extremism.”

Kim denied allegations that he was using his influence to assist DPK Chairman Jung in the upcoming party leadership race.

“Some people claim that I included the prime minister in surveys for the Seoul mayoral race to help Chairman Jung’s bid to run again in the August leadership contest,” he said. “That’s ridiculous. What does his inclusion in a mayoral poll have to do with a possible run for party leadership?”

Prime Minister Kim Min-seok, left, and Democratic Party of Korea Chairman Jung Chung-rae attend the funeral of politician Lee Hae-chan at Seoul National University Hospital in Seoul, Wednesday. Yonhap

Jung has already declared his intention to seek another term in the party’s internal race. Prime Minister Kim has also been open about his own ambitions.

In an interview with a YouTube channel, the prime minister said that if elected, he would lead efforts to define the future direction of the DPK. “I grew up with the DPK and love the party,” he said. “It would be an honor to be elected and serve as its leader.”

Kim Ou-joon is known to be close to Jung and has consistently had his back. Whenever the outspoken DPK leader comes under attack from political rivals, Kim has stepped in to defend him, demonstrating unwavering loyalty. Kim is also in a position to mobilize progressive public opinion in Jung’s favor. As a result, his endorsement is widely regarded as a valuable political asset for the DPK chairman.

Given these power dynamics within the ruling party, the prime minister's suspicions about the YouTuber’s motives behind the survey are hardly unwarranted.

The August leadership race is a critical event that could give the winner a decisive advantage in the DPK’s broader contest for the next presidential election. Its outcome will determine who controls the party’s nomination process for candidates in the 2028 National Assembly elections.

In politics, elections are interconnected. Control over the nomination process for parliamentary races often translates into influence over the selection of the party’s presidential candidate. Under the current rules, politicians with strong backing from key party delegates — such as incumbent lawmakers and district-level party officials — are in a particularly advantageous position in the presidential primaries.

For ambitious figures such as Jung and Kim, the August leadership contest could therefore make or break their political futures.

To win the race, each must consolidate power within their respective factions. Prime Minister Kim is backed largely by supporters of President Lee, while Chairman Jung draws his base from the pro-Moon Jae-in faction. The rivalry between these two camps reached a climax during the 2024 National Assembly elections.

At the time, Lee, then-chairman of the DPK, exercised tight control over the party’s nomination process. Many of his close aides — including lawyers who had represented him in multiple trials — won nominations, while candidates associated with the Moon faction were largely excluded.

The DPK went on to secure 171 of 300 seats in the National Assembly, with 115 of those seats won by lawmakers aligned with Lee. This dominance later enabled Lee to cruise to victory in the party’s presidential primary ahead of the 2025 snap election.

Factional tensions resurfaced on Jan. 22, when Jung abruptly proposed a merger with the minor progressive Rebuilding Korea Party led by Cho Kuk, seemingly without prior notice. Even members of the DPK’s Supreme Council were reportedly unaware of the secret talks between Jung and Cho. Roughly 30 DPK lawmakers jointly criticized Jung, arguing that his unilateral announcement violated party procedures.

Critics alleged that Jung stood to benefit politically from a merger and that this personal interest prompted him to rush the announcement without sufficient internal consultation.

Prime Minister Kim also took issue with Jung’s move. While acknowledging that a merger between the two progressive parties was, in principle, “natural” given their shared values, Kim questioned the timing and manner of the announcement.

“The problem is not the idea itself,” Kim said, “but when it was announced and how it was handled.”

Kim Ou-joon, however, came to Jung’s defense, insisting that the decision was made for the good of the party rather than for personal gain, and that Jung had nothing to benefit individually from the proposed merger.