Reformist monarchs change the Gulf

Ma Young-sam

The status of Middle Eastern states has changed dramatically over the past two decades. Once viewed as peripheral actors despite their vast oil wealth and strategic location, they were often seen as countries whose policies were shaped largely by major powers. That perception no longer holds. Today, key states in the region have emerged as influential players not only in regional affairs but also in global diplomacy.

Qatar and Egypt have played pivotal roles in mediating the Gaza war. Abu Dhabi and Muscat have hosted negotiations related to the Russia–Ukraine conflict and facilitated dialogue between the U.S. and Iran on security issues. It is telling that U.S. President Donald Trump, following both his 2017 and 2025 elections, chose Saudi Arabia as his first overseas destination. Such symbolism reflects the region’s growing strategic weight. How did these countries achieve such a transformation in a very short time?

Across the Arab world, from Oman through the Arabian Peninsula to Jordan and Morocco, a pattern of state-led modernization driven by bold leadership has taken shape. An early architect was Sheikh Rashid bin Saeed Al Maktoum of Dubai. When he launched sweeping reforms, he faced internal resistance. Yet he remained steadfast, declaring “First you build a good port, and then the ships will come.” His vision proved prophetic. Jebel Ali Port became the largest logistics hub in the Middle East, anchoring Dubai’s remarkable ascent. His son, Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid, expanded that legacy and transformed Dubai into a globally admired development model.

Dubai’s success influenced Abu Dhabi and Qatar, and later reshaped Saudi Arabia’s reform trajectory. A common thread has been “reform from the top.” Under the long-term vision of Centennial 2071, President Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, commonly known as MBZ, of the United Arab Emirates has pursued stability while diversifying the economy in advanced sectors such as nuclear energy, defense, artificial intelligence and space exploration. Through the Abraham Accords, MBZ normalized relations with Israel, launching regular flight and expanding trade, tourism and technological cooperation. At the same time, the UAE has balanced relations with the U.S., China and Russia with diplomatic agility.

Qatar, under the leadership of Emir Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, offers a model rooted in soft power. As a leading exporter of liquefied natural gas, Qatar leveraged its economic strength to enhance its global influence. Al Jazeera transformed Doha into a major media hub, while active mediation in regional conflicts strengthened its diplomatic standing. Hosting the 2022 FIFA World Cup and acquiring Paris Saint-Germain significantly elevated Qatar’s global brand. Through sustained reform across economic, social, and diplomatic domains, both the UAE and Qatar have evolved into “high-performance small states.”

Today, reform momentum has shifted toward Saudi Arabia under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, also known as MBS. Through Vision 2030, he has introduced sweeping changes across religious, social and economic spheres. Women can now drive. Cultural industries have expanded. Mega-projects such as NEOM, an arcology and planned city in the province of Tabuk, signal ambitions beyond a traditional mindset. Performances by BTS and Blackpink show how social change is entering daily life. MBS’s close ties with President Trump have further elevated Riyadh as a center for diplomacy and investment.

Collectively, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar have managed regional tensions while preserving institutional stability. Each has cultivated a distinctive role, with Saudi Arabia as a reorganizer of regional order, the UAE as a manager of that order and Qatar as a mediator.

Criticism regarding the lack of political freedoms and human rights remains valid, but democratic evolution takes a long time. Britain required seven centuries after the Magna Carta to allow women to vote in 1928. Also in the U.S., full voting rights for black Americans were secured only in 1965 after the civil rights movements. In contrast, the U.S.' 2003 Greater Middle East Initiative sought rapid democratization but fell short of its goals, partly because of its underestimation of the region’s political culture and also its impatience to reap an early harvest.

Middle Eastern politics cannot be assessed without looking at the historical and cultural background. Political life has long been shaped by tribal structures, centralized authority and an Islamic tradition that closely links religion and politics. Following the Arab Spring, several republican regimes remain fragile. Reform-oriented monarchies in the Gulf, however, have maintained stability while pursuing modernization. There is growing recognition that sustained economic and social development may gradually create conditions to improve political and civil rights.

This brings us to Korea. Will Korea remain merely an economic partner, or become a genuine companion in shaping the region’s future? Korea stands out as a rare example of rapid industrialization followed by democratization. Over decades, it has built deep trust across the Middle East. That credibility should now translate into a more proactive diplomatic role.

First, Middle Eastern issues are no longer someone else’s business. Developments there directly affect Korea’s energy security and economic stability. As regional powers position themselves as mediators and stabilizers, Korea must define a role commensurate with its international standing. Monitoring the expansion of the Abraham Accords and exploring trilateral cooperation among Israel, the Gulf States and Korea should form part of this strategy.

Second, engagement must go beyond commerce. The UAE’s Mars mission under Project Amal involved scientists trained at KAIST. Saudi professionals continue advanced training at Seoul National University Dental Hospital. Cooperation in human capital and knowledge-sharing builds long-term trust, which is far more durable than short-term contracts.

Third, cultural respect is essential. Partnership must be grounded in shared progress, not hierarchical instruction. Youngsters from both sides engage with each other through study, travel and dialogue. In a digitally connected world, younger generations increasingly form independent judgment as they choose the values for future societies.

The reformist monarchs of the Gulf continue to experiment boldly. No one can predict the ultimate outcome. One thing, however, is clear: Korea can no longer observe these changes from the sidelines. It is time for Korea to engage the region not merely as a trading partner, but as a strategic collaborator by helping shape the future and participating actively in its realization.

Ma Young-sam, a former South Korean ambassador to Israel and also South Korea’s former representative to Palestine, is a research fellow at Asiatic Research Institute at Korea University. The views expressed in this article are the author's own.