Korea-US-Japan cooperation is no longer an option as a new axis is taking shape

Chun In-bum

Beijing hosted a grand military parade on Sept. 3 to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II. Officially framed as a remembrance of victory against fascism, the event was, in reality, a display of China’s strategic ambitions and a pointed message to the world.

But what made this year’s parade particularly troubling was not only the weapons on display, but also the political company present: Senior Russian and North Korean delegations stood alongside Chinese leaders. Their presence underscored the growing alignment of authoritarian powers in direct opposition to the United States and its allies.

For South Korea, Japan and the United States, the implications are grave. The parade was not just a projection of China’s capabilities — it was a rehearsal of solidarity among regimes that seek to challenge the rules-based order.

China’s arsenal spoke volumes. Intercontinental ballistic missiles with multiple warheads, submarine-launched ballistic missiles hypersonic glide vehicles and the “Guam Killer” DF-26 missile signaled Beijing’s determination to hold U.S. and allied bases at risk across the Pacific. Equally significant was the unveiling of new undersea drones and advanced missile defense systems, signaling a doctrine of denying U.S. access and weakening allied resolve.

But the military hardware was only part of the story. The real symbolism lay in the joint stagecraft: Russian officials, despite their ongoing war in Ukraine, stood shoulder to shoulder with their Chinese hosts. North Korean representatives, isolated internationally yet emboldened by Moscow and Beijing, were also in attendance. This was not coincidence — it was choreography.

Moscow’s presence at the parade was more than ceremonial. Russia, bogged down in Ukraine and under Western sanctions, depends on Chinese diplomatic cover and economic support. By appearing in Beijing, Russian President Vladimir Putin reinforced the narrative of an emerging Eurasian bloc determined to resist Western influence.

For Asia, this matters profoundly. A Russia willing to deepen military-technical cooperation with China in missile technology, energy resources or arms sales complicates the regional balance. It also stretches U.S. and allied resources across two theaters: Europe and Asia. Beijing knows this, and the parade was designed to remind the world that Washington cannot afford to neglect either front.

The presence of North Korea leader Kim Jong-un was perhaps even more disturbing for Seoul. Kim's regime has long relied on Chinese economic lifelines, but its military cooperation with Russia during the Ukraine war has elevated Pyongyang’s profile in the axis. Artillery shells shipped to Russia, missile technology exchanges and growing talk of joint exercises signal a return to Cold War-style bloc politics.

At the Beijing parade, North Korea’s attendance was symbolic confirmation that Pyongyang is no longer an isolated irritant, but part of a coordinated triangle with China and Russia. For South Korea, this means the North’s provocations cannot be seen in isolation — they are increasingly linked to a broader strategic design.

For South Korea, the message is unambiguous: Extended deterrence is under challenge not only from Pyongyang’s nuclear arsenal, but also from a coalition that includes Beijing and Moscow. For Japan, Chinese and Russian coordination threatens maritime security in the East China Sea and beyond. And for the United States, the parade was a direct reminder that its adversaries are aligning across continents.

The conclusion is clear: No single nation can face this alone. The Korea-Japan-U.S. alliance must deepen, expand and harden against the axis taking shape before our eyes. We must act now.

The first step should be a trilateral missile defense plan. North Korean and Chinese missiles cannot be countered piecemeal. Korea, Japan and the U.S. must create a fully integrated detection and interception network, with shared early warning and joint operational planning.

The next step should be coordinated sanctions enforcement. As North Korea funnels arms to Russia and receives advanced technologies in return, loopholes in sanctions regimes are widening. Only coordinated enforcement by Seoul, Tokyo and Washington can slow this dangerous exchange.

The third part is unified strategic messaging. The Beijing parade was theater designed to project inevitability. The allies must respond with their own coordinated narrative showing that aggression and coercion will be met by unity, not hesitation.

Finally, there must be expanded joint exercises. Russia, China and North Korea are already conducting combined drills and must be answered in kind, with regular trilateral exercises across air, sea, space and cyber domains.

For South Korea, deepening defense ties with Japan is politically contentious, but the alternative of facing China, Russia and North Korea in coordination would be far worse. For Japan, solidarity with Korea is no longer optional but existential. For the United States, sustaining credibility in Asia requires prioritizing resources and attention despite global distractions.

The authoritarian axis demonstrated in Beijing is no passing spectacle. It is a structural challenge to the order that has preserved peace in Asia for eight decades.

China’s parade was more than a show of military might. With Russia and North Korea visibly aligned with Beijing, it was a declaration of a new strategic axis intent on undermining the foundations of the international order.

For Korea, Japan and the United States, the lesson is unmistakable. Divided, they invite coercion. United, they can still deter. The parade was not just a warning — it was a call to action. The allies must answer it together, decisively and without delay.

Chun In-bum is the former commander of the Republic of Korea Army Special Warfare Command.