Is Netanyahu a 'phoenix' politician?

Benjamin Netanyahu is writing a striking new chapter in Israeli politics. Elected to the Knesset 11 times and serving as prime minister six times, he has held power for more than 17 years, the longest in Israel’s history.

In a political scene in Israel where surprises never end, his ability to stay on top for so long is extraordinary.

Despite endless challenges at home and abroad, he has kept his supporters close through military victories, and remains the dominant figure in Israeli politics. He is part a charismatic leader, part seasoned diplomat, part shrewd political strategist. Perhaps that is why some commentators call him a "phoenix” politician, one who never truly dies.

The year 2023 was the darkest of his career. He faced repeated court appearances on charges of bribery, fraud and breach of trust. His push for judicial reform, widely seen as an effort to weaken the courts, set off massive protests across the country. Then came Hamas’s surprise attack, which drew heavy criticism for his failure as the prime minister to prevent it. Many thought, “His career is over.” Yet Netanyahu survived once again. By striking hard at Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran of the so-called “Axis of Resistance” with military power and precise intelligence, he rebuilt his image as “Mr. Security” and weathered the storms of politics.

For Netanyahu, “peace through strength” has always been his core belief. Words like compromise or appeasement are not part of his vocabulary. This conviction comes from his family history. His grandfather, Nathan Mileikowsky, was a rabbi in Eastern Europe who passionately preached Zionism. His father, Benzion, a historian of Jewish persecution, told his sons: “The Holocaust could happen again. A peace agreement is mass suicide.” His older brother, Yonatan, a commander in the elite Sayeret Matkal unit, was the only Israeli soldier killed during the famous Entebbe rescue operation in 1976. His brother’s death convinced Netanyahu that “a weak nation cannot survive.” Leaving Harvard early, he returned to Israel and began his political career by founding the Yonatan Institute.

Netanyahu has a rare ability to turn crises into opportunities. Even in a deadlock, he finds ways to escape. In June 2025, his coalition government almost collapsed over whether ultra-Orthodox youth should be drafted into the army. The Knesset was preparing to dissolve the government. According to the New York Times, Netanyahu secretly called in a right-wing leader, had him sign a confidentiality agreement, and revealed Israel’s plan to strike Iran’s nuclear sites, scheduled for just a few days later. That move saved his government by a single vote. His instinct for survival shone once more.

His diplomatic skills also played a role in the Iran strikes. At first, President Trump favored negotiations with Tehran, and his MAGA base opposed military action. Yet Trump eventually ordered U.S. bombers to drop massive GBU-57 “bunker busters” on Iran’s nuclear facilities. Many believe Netanyahu’s quiet influence in Washington helped push Trump toward that decision.

Netanyahu also has a natural gift with the media. As deputy chief at Israel’s embassy in Washington, he quickly became a TV star in the U.S., and the press chased after him. Once in power, he built his own media team and turned it into a political tool. After winning the 2016 elections, he even appointed himself minister of communications while serving as prime minister. Time and again, favorable news stories broke just when he needed them, shifting public opinion in his favor. These frequent “coincidences” raised suspicions that his inner circle was orchestrating the coverage.

His political instincts seem almost natural. In 1993, while running for Likud leader, a sex scandal suddenly erupted. His wife Sara was threatened by a phone call claiming, “Unless Netanyahu drops out of the race, a secret ‘hot tape’ of his affair will be released." He faced the possible collapse of both his marriage and his political career. But instead of retreating, he went on the offensive. He reconciled with Sara, and then held a press conference where he admitted the affair himself and claimed that “a senior party leader” was behind this plot. Overnight, the scandal turned into a dirty political conspiracy, and the public sided with him. He went on to win in a landslide. Rivals called him a “slippery eel” for his ability to escape any trap. That victory paved the way for his first term as prime minister in 1996, just as the right-wing movement gained strength against the Oslo Accords.

Netanyahu also understands American politics better than most Americans. Fluent in English, educated at MIT and Harvard, living for a long time in the US, he became an “American insider” early in his career. He often clashed with Democratic presidents like Clinton, Obama and Biden on issues like Palestine and Iran. Yet he always stuck to his principles and pushed policy in his direction. At the same time, he kept strong ties with leaders in both Republican and Democratic circles, ensuring support when he needed it most. In the last U.S. presidential election, many said he read the political winds more clearly than almost anyone else and have decided on his betting candidate.

Looking back, Netanyahu has faced every crisis head-on. Like a phoenix, he has risen from defeat again and again. But phoenix politics leaves scars, such as deep divisions in Israel, threats to democracy and possible security risks. A true phoenix is not just a survivor, but a leader who uses survival to achieve a vision.

So where will Netanyahu take Israel next? Will he put security above democracy, or find a way to balance both? The answer will decide his place in history as to whether he is remembered only as a survivor, or as a true leader. Israeli people are sharp and far-sighted. One day, they may not ask, “How did he survive?” but instead, “What did he achieve by surviving?”

Ma Young-sam, a former South Korean ambassador to Israel and also South Korea’s former representative to Palestine, is a research fellow at Asiatic Research Institute at Korea University. The views expressed in this article is the author's own.