Political fatigue opens door for Han's ascent in polls
Park Jung-won
In 1987, through the June Democratic Uprising and the resulting constitutional amendment that introduced direct presidential elections, Korea embarked for the first time on a genuine form of procedural democracy. For the first 40 years following liberation from Japanese colonial rule, the Korean people, largely unfamiliar with the very concept of democracy, endured a period of political trial and error. Since 1987, however, another four decades have passed under a system of formal, procedural democracy.
During the years of military dictatorship under Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan, Korea achieved rapid economic growth, which led to the rise of a middle class and a significant improvement in the general level of education. This transformation strengthened the public’s yearning for democracy, culminating in a nationwide democratization movement that ultimately dismantled military rule and paved the way for Korea’s procedural democracy.
When the new Constitution introduced direct presidential elections in 1988, many believed that as long as procedural democracy was instituted — specifically, as long as the people could directly elect the president — Korean politics would be on the right track, moving beyond the dark era of military dictatorship. However, rather than putting democracy firmly on course, the past 40 years have forced Koreans to confront a far more troubling question: Is Korean democracy truly advancing, or is it experiencing a serious regression?
Until the mid-2000s, the idea of presidential impeachment was virtually unheard of in Korea. Yet over the past decade, it has occurred twice. While the misconduct of the presidents in question cannot be denied, the political ambition and agitation of the forces pushing for impeachment also played a significant role, fueling extreme polarization and dragging the country into political turmoil — with the media complicit to a certain degree. Nearly 40 years have passed since the advent of procedural democracy, but the uncomfortable truth is that Korea’s democracy now stands on the verge of collapse.
The fact that acting President Han Duck-soo is now being discussed as a leading contender in the upcoming early presidential election — triggered by the impeachment of former President Yoon Suk Yeol — must be understood within the context of Korea’s deeply dysfunctional and politically exhausted system.
Koreans are living in an era of “political excess.” Korean politics has become utterly paralyzed, shackled by career politicians who treat politics as nothing more than a means of personal livelihood, leaving the country unable to progress.
Of course, responsibility for this dire state of affairs does not lie solely with corrupt politicians; a significant portion of the public bears responsibility as well. After all, there are those who “unconditionally” support Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) leader Lee Jae-myung, and others who, treating the ousted former President Yoon Suk Yeol as if he were a monarch from a bygone dynasty, chant “Yoon Again” in a desperate bid for his restoration.
However, many sensible Koreans have grown deeply disillusioned with politics itself, watching the activities of an Assembly dominated by substandard lawmakers through news broadcasts and YouTube channels. It is only natural that they have serious doubts, questioning whether taxpayer money should continue to be spent to sustain the positions of such legislators.
In this sense, Han’s emergence aligns with the rough currents of the times in Korea. The country now faces tremendous external challenges as well, with Donald Trump's return to the White House in the United States serving as perhaps the most significant source of uncertainty. In the midst of such domestic and international turmoil, Han stands out as a leader capable of navigating issues critical to Korea’s survival — such as trade disputes, tariff battles and national security threats — with a degree of stability. His stature naturally contrasts sharply with those of the entrenched career politicians, whose political instincts are steeped in agitation, conspiracy and intrigue.
As seen from Trump’s recent phone call with Han, the United States may be quietly signaling its preference for the acting president — a Harvard-educated former ambassador to Washington with strong pro-American leanings — over Lee Jae-myung of the DPK, whose anti-American stance is well known. Han also brings valuable experience, having served as prime minister under both conservative and liberal administrations, demonstrating his ability to manage state affairs with stability. His moderate political orientation and seasoned judgment resonate strongly with many sensible Koreans, who are now deeply disillusioned with the chaos of Korean politics.
In these turbulent times, Han’s qualities offer a compelling alternative. Moreover, with a looming economic crisis on the horizon, there is an urgent sense that someone like Han — who understands the economy and embraces common sense — must lead the nation, rather than populists who recklessly promise cash handouts. The fear that such populist governance could drive the Korean economy into irreversible collapse only elevates Han’s appeal further.
A significant number of Koreans believe that the June 3 presidential election must be used as an opportunity to finally end the era of extreme confrontation between rival political forces. It is time, they argue, to move forward. In this sense, Han already embodies about 70 percent of the qualities demanded by this new national spirit. The remaining 30 percent — entrusting the future to new leadership — could be achieved once Han fulfills his mission of carrying out constitutional reform after winning the presidency. With his image of maturity, competence and seasoned leadership, Han has the potential to decisively overpower Lee both in the public’s perception and on policy grounds.
The call to abolish the 1987 Constitution, which has enabled the rise of both imperial presidencies and an imperial Assembly, could serve as a powerful weapon to isolate Lee, who fiercely opposes constitutional reform. Whether Han can rally the more than 40 percent of voters who say they would "never vote for Lee Jae-myung" and rise to the presidency to restore the nation’s stature remains to be seen. After all, Korean politics has always been a drama, and its ending can never be predicted until the very last moment.
Park Jung-won (park_jungwon@hotmail.com) holds a Ph.D. in law from the London School of Economics (LSE) and is a professor of international law at Dankook University. The views expressed in this article is his own.