How come ROK's founding day is all about Japan?

By Jason Lim

The issue of the official founding day of the Republic of Korea made front page news when President Park Geun-hye said the following in her official address commemorating the anniversary of Liberation Day on Aug. 15: “Today marks the 71st Liberation Day and the 68th anniversary of the nation's founding."

This would mean that she believes that the Republic of Korea was founded on Aug. 15, 1948. Historically, it is true that the official government of the Republic of Korea was established on that day with Syngman Rhee as the president. But is that the same thing as the founding of a nation?

The preamble to the constitution of the Republic of Korea reads thus: “We, the people of Korea, proud of a resplendent history and traditions dating from time immemorial, upholding the cause of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea born of the March First Independence Movement of 1919 and the democratic ideals of the April Nineteenth Uprising of 1960 against injustice.”

Note that the preamble specifically mentions two dates from which the ROK derives its legitimacy and mandate to govern. Especially relevant to this debate is the first date of March 1, 1919, when thousands of ordinary Koreans rose up to protest the Japanese usurpation of their country. This resulted in a country-wide crackdown by the Japanese authorities on independence activists and led to the establishment of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea in Shanghai.

Now, do you see the disconnect? Park states that the ROK was founded in 1948 while the constitution states that the ROK was born in 1919. Individuals can have differing interpretations of history, but it’s awkward when the president of the country disagrees with what’s written in the constitution.

Why is this happening? According to The Korea Times, “the controversy over the country's founding year was first triggered in 2006 by Seoul National University economics professor Rhee Young-hoon who wrote a column in the local daily DongA Ilbo saying that the nation needs to designate a "Foundation Day," to celebrate what he called the "true light" that came to the Korean people following the end of Japanese occupation.

In 2007, Rep. Jung Kab-yoon of the Grand National Party, the predecessor of the conservative Saenuri Party, proposed a bill seeking to change the holiday name from Liberation Day to Foundation Day, only to withdraw it in September 2008 following strong public uproar.

This raises another question. Why would the conservative ruling class want to formalize the ROK’s founding in 1948? And why does the general public oppose this so vociferously?

Therein lies the rub. If you declare that the modern day South Korean nation was founded in 1948, everything that went before it becomes part of a bygone era, lacking power and relevance to the nation today. This means that the independence movement that happened between 1919 and 1945 would be a footnote in the history of the modern South Korean nation, rather than the genesis and foundation of what made today’s nation possible. Admittedly, you maintain a historical and cultural continuity ― much the same as Joseon and Goryeo ― but no longer a legal one. Moreover, the ROK’s legitimacy as a nation would not be directly tied to the independence movement.

Then, why would the conservatives push for this? As with everything in Korea, it’s all about Japan. More specifically, the Japanese collaborators.

It’s no secret that many of today’s elites, whose interests are mostly represented by the ruling conservatives, are descendants of the so-called Japanese collaborators. Even Park’s own father, former President Park Chung-hee, graduated from the Japanese Manchurian Military Academy and was accused of having been involved in the crackdowns against Korean independence fighters.

Other prominent families have also been named as Japanese collaborators by a South Korean presidential commission, the “Investigative Commission on Pro-Japanese Collaborators' Property,” that was established under President Roh Moo-hyun in 2006 to “name and shame” the suspected descendants of the Japanese collaborators and provide legal grounds to seize their property. In short, the progressives weren’t shy in politicizing this issue for their advantage either.

Now, the conservatives are pushing back. By cutting out the independence movement from the nation’s history, the conservative ruling class can claim a clean break from their forefathers’ actions and wipe the slate clean. Moreover, since many of these prominent families were founding members of the ROK government in 1948, they could also be rebranded as patriotic pioneers of the new modern nation.

Many people oppose this because they are resentful of the often cavalier way they are treated by the elites. Remember the “dogs and pigs” controversy just a few weeks ago? They feel disrespected and dismissed by the ruling elites. The people are even more incensed that many prominent elite families derive their privileged positions from their forefather’s alleged collaboration with the Japanese during the brutal occupation. They view the founding day issue as an attempt by the elites to whitewash their historical guilt and justify undeserved privilege.

Whether this is the real reason behind the conservatives’ efforts on this issue can’t be determined with any certainty. But the controversy does point to the huge fissure between the ruling elites and the people in light of the rising inequality and lack of opportunities that have many calling Korea “Hell Joseon.”

Jason Lim is a Washington, D.C.-based expert on innovation, leadership and organizational culture. He has been writing for The Korea Times since 2006. Reach him at jasonlim@msn.com, facebook. com/jasonlimkoreatimes or @jasonlim2012.