Meaning of Dresden Declaration

By Tong Kim

In Dresden last week, President Park Geun-hye offered North Korea a multitude of comprehensive and specific proposals to prepare for Korean unification in three major areas of humanitarianism, co-prosperity, and integration between the people of the two Koreas.

Although most of the proposed projects and ideas of what the Korean press refers to as the “Dresden Declaration” may not be ingenious or bold, the declaration certainly confirms that President Park is pursuing a possible unification process by peaceful means, not by force or by way of North Korean collapse.

Her comparison of unification to a “jackpot” has successfully rekindled the people’s interest in unification. But, a jackpot is only an empty dream until you hit it. In other words, there is no real bonanza, until unification is achieved.

The jackpot effect of unification is enticing. But, as former American President George W. Bush said in Seoul earlier this month, you cannot bring about unification without involving the other party. Peaceful unification calls for both sides to work together.

The new proposals do not offer political incentives to the North such as an inter-Korean summit or discussion of a peace agreement toward potential denuclearization. Seoul and the international community seek the denuclearization of North Korea but they simply do not have a new way forward.

On the other hand, the announcement of these proposals is significant in that Seoul is doing something positive to help the North economically. Perhaps, the North is disappointed that there was no mention of a resumption of Mt. Geumgang tourism or lifting of the May 24 restrictions that ban inter-Korean economic cooperation.

It would not be possible to carry out most of the Dresden proposals without acceptance and cooperation on the part of the North Korean leadership. At time of writing, Pyongyang has not responded to Seoul’s refreshed offer of cooperation that would lead to immediate humanitarian benefits and mid- to long-term economic benefits to the North.

Instead, the North is accusing the South of having taken into captivity a fishing boat on the West Sea and treating its crew violently. Using rude language, Pyongyang reacted to President Park’s reference to the North Korean nuclear programs at the Nuclear Security Summit in The Hague.

It is be pertinent to remember that there is a distinct difference in the way of thinking between the North Koreans and the Western world. Whereas globalized South Koreans and Westerners tend to think inductively, the North Koreans like traditional Asians think deductively.

The North Koreans have always preferred to have some agreement or solution at the top level on the most fundamental issues like unification, political accommodation and peaceful coexistence. At the same time, they of course seek economic interests before the fundamental issues are resolved.

President Park’s Dresden declaration is clearly based on an inductive approach ― moving from small and compartmental areas to the final goal through gradual and prudent conditional steps. Despite the detailed descriptions of each area or project proposed, there is much to be worked out for the implementation of these projects.

The North still prefers a package deal and a complete road map of the path from a starting point of negotiation to its end state. They always insisted that once the major political and military problems are resolved, other issues of lesser importance would naturally fall into place.

Despising the rest of the world, the North Korean elites think their system will survive the challenges of pressure and threats from external forces, as long as they hang on to their unified fortitude and their nuclear weapons as deterrence to foreign attack or invasion.

While the South is offering peace and prosperity proposals, the clouds of war are still lingering in the skies over the Korean Peninsula, given the instability and unpredictability of the Kim Jong-un regime on top of the changing security environment of East Asia.

Despite some shortcomings of the Dresden Declaration, there is plenty in it for the North to think seriously about the potential benefits they would gain from cooperating on these localized proposals. If properly implemented, these projects will help build mutual trust critical to any improvement of inter-Korean relations.

North Korea should seriously decipher and accept Seoul’s latest offer for peaceful cooperation toward unification, the highlights of which are summarized below:

On the humanitarian dimension, Seoul would seek regular unions of separated families and provide health care support for pregnant mothers and infants in the North over two years.

To assist the North economically, the South would support agriculture, livestock and forestry. The South would invest in infrastructure-building projects in transportation and telecommunication and in development of its natural resources. The South would support development projects in Shinsuiju with China, in addition to the current Rajin-Khasan project of Russia and the two Koreas.

To help integrate the people on both sides and to bring them together as one nation, the South would promote exchanges for historical research, preservation of culture, the arts, and sports free of political motivation.

The South would assist development of economic zones and training of North Koreans in finance, tax administration and statistics. It proposes to establish an “inter-Korean exchange and cooperation office” to carry out these projects. Seoul also proposes construction of an international peace park inside the DMZ.

If Pyongyang returns to the six party talks to resolve the nuclear issue and abandon its nuclear path, the South would support its access to international financial institutions and help international investments.

If the North responds positively, it would be the real beginning of the trust-building process on the peninsula. What’s your take?

The author is a visiting scholar at the Ilmin Institute of International Relations at Korea University, a visiting professor at the University of North Korean Studies and an ICAS fellow in the U.S.