Pharaohs are back in Egypt

By Zerougui Abdelkader

Egypt’s experience with democracy has been hijacked twice. The Mohammed Aly dynasty showed great signs of modernization during the early 1950s, however this process was interrupted by a coup d’etat of the so-called “free officers,” in 1952. The military ruled Egypt under Gamal Abdul Nasser (1956 to 1970), Anwar el-Sadat (19570-1981), and Hosni Mubarak (1981-2011).

The “Tahrir Square” Revolution of February 2011 and the triumph of the Muslim Brotherhood afterwards was only a temporary setback to the military establishment, which again organized a second coup d’etat under General Abdel Fatah al-Sissi on July 3. Is Egypt heading toward more violence, and when will the Middle East culture espouse John Locke’s philosophy of the “natural rights” of men?

The Muslim Brotherhood, which rose to prominence after 80 years, did not last long because the military and their backers were drawing up a strategy to return to power. The old order was still in full swing, and continued its maneuvers in the shadows, and orchestrated a comeback under the banner of “saving the great nation.” It is very ironic how history repeats itself.

In 1952, the military stepped in to “save Egypt,” by making it an iron cage for 60 years, and after a brief civilian rule that lasted a year, the military used the same fallacies to topple the democratically elected government.

Egypt’s democracy lasted only 370 days. Mohamed Morsi was genuine in bringing change to Egypt; however, the remnants of the old regime continued to hold their grips on the military, the interior and most of the businesses in Egypt.

There was a systematic strategy to derail the reforms of the newly elected government. A series of sabotages were devised by the counter-revolutionaries. The president inherited colossal problems from high unemployment, poverty, dwindling foreign reserves, and a long inherited corrupt system that refuses to wither away. The Egyptian revolution was not complete because it failed to bring a swift justice to the political class that was responsible for the ills and mismanagement of the country during the past 60 years. The symbols of Egypt’s malaise remained free, and continued operating aggressively until they toppled the civilian government.

It came to light that the toppling of Morsi’s government was well-planned and financed by Egyptian and regional powers, which saw in Egypt’s democracy a dangerous precedent to the Gulf region. The chronic shortages of basic commodities, the long lines for gas, the absence of police in the streets, and the continuous demonstration organized by the movement “Tamarud”, Arabic for rebellion, have been all planned by a group of former regime supporters and financed by the Egyptian billionaire Naguib Sawiris. The latter admitted in his recent interviews that he had no regrets in financing, and being part of the downfall of Morsi’s leadership.

The United States expressed its “concern” about the suspension of the constitution, and removal of Morsi. However, Barack Obama stopped short of calling it a coup d’etat. Removing the democratically elected government is by no means a service to Egypt, and to the cause of the Egyptian people. The Brotherhood television network was removed from the air, followed by a series of arrests of the Muslim Brotherhood’s leadership.

The Muslim Brotherhood fought forcefully from the regional countries, such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the UAE, and Bahrain since Mursi came to power. Financial and economic pressures were put on the government, and Egyptians were denied work visas to the Gulf countries. Moreover, a media campaign against the Muslim Brotherhood financed by the Sultans of Arabia succeeded in devilizing its leadership. Morsi lost one of its strong backers, Qatar, which handed a rescue package to Egypt of $8 billion. However, the continuous pressure from the U.S. and its Arab Gulf allies forced Qatar’s new Emir Tamim al–Thani to rethink the backing of his allies in Egypt.

The demise of the Muslim Brotherhood has been greatly welcomed by Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Kuwait who rushed their emissaries to General al-Sissi, and pledged their unconditional support to the new regime. Shortly after, the three Gulf Countries approved a $12 billion package in economic assistance to strengthen the military establishment.

The Egyptian generals have no intention of preparing Egypt for democracy. Cronyism is embedded in the Egyptian institutions, and groups that benefited from Mubarak’s regime during the past 30 years have no intention of taking the backstage. Moreover, a democratic regime in the Middle East is doomed to fail because the existing oil-rich Arab countries. These ultra-conservative tribal-states will never allow the emergence of a democracy close to their borders. There is no light at the end of the tunnel.

Egypt’s Pharaohs are back, and their policies of repression will alienate the moderates, and will rejuvenate violent and radical groups. The culture of violence does not seem to die. A new chapter in the history of Egypt is in the making, so far more than 120 civilians have been killed, and the military still resist Thomas Jefferson’s famous saying that “people are endowed with inalienable natural rights, among them life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”

Zerougui Abdelkader, Ph.D., is an adjunct professor of sociology at American University in Washington, D.C. He can be reached at Zerouguiabdelkader@yahoo.com.