
A building suspected of being used as a scam center stands in Sihanoukville, Cambodia, Tuesday. Yonhap
Amid rising public outrage over a series of abductions and violent crimes targeting Koreans in Cambodia, Seoul is weighing how far it can go to pressure Phnom Penh to ensure the safety of its citizens.
President Lee Jae Myung has ordered all government ministries to mobilize “every available resource” after hundreds of Koreans have fallen victim to organized criminal syndicates. This year alone, more than 550 Koreans have gone missing while living or traveling in the region, with around 80 still not located, according to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
At the heart of the debate lies one powerful diplomatic tool: official development assistance (ODA). Korea’s ODA to Cambodia exceeds 430 billion won ($302 million) this year, placing Seoul among Phnom Penh’s top donors. While politicians view this aid as an indispensable lever for change, some foreign policy experts warn that weaponizing aid could erode Korea’s influence in Southeast Asia in the long run.
During the National Assembly audit of the administration on Tuesday, lawmakers on both sides of the aisle, including Park Beom-gye of the ruling Democratic Party of Korea and Kang Min-kuk of the main opposition People Power Party, stressed that Cambodia is a major beneficiary of Korean ODA.
“I think our military should conduct operations in cooperation with the Cambodian military and police. If Cambodia refuses joint military and police operations, withdrawing (the ODA funding) should be considered,” Kang said.
Korean law and policies allow the government to reassess, curtail or suspend ODA commitments in response to noncooperation or legitimate concerns about misuse and accountability in the recipient country.
However, Kim Young-sun, former secretary general at the ASEAN-Korea Centre, said using ODA as a threat could backfire diplomatically.
“I think ODA should not be wielded as a tool of coercion … If we cut off aid, Cambodia could turn to China or Japan instead. In the long run, using ODA for leverage will only weaken our influence in the country and the region,” Kim told The Korea Times.
Ma Sang-yoon, a professor of international politics at the Catholic University of Korea, suggested redirecting aid.
“Instead of cutting or suspending assistance, part of that budget could support Cambodia’s police capacity and digital monitoring systems for international crimes,” Ma said. “Selective reallocation would be more effective than outright cuts, which could damage bilateral ties.”

This photo shows the gate of a building suspected of being used as a scam center in Sihanoukville, Cambodia, Tuesday. Yonhap
Beyond aid, Seoul is also considering raising travel advisories for Phnom Penh and other high-risk areas to levels that would come close to banning most travel.
On Wednesday, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs designated the Bokor Mountain area in Kampot Province as well as the cities of Bavet and Poipet as travel-prohibited zones. Bokor Mountain is the site where a Korean man was found dead last August, and both Bavet and Poipet are known to be areas with a heavy presence of criminal organizations. Sihanoukville Province is now under a Level 3 travel advisory, which recommends departure from the area.
While such measures could heighten awareness and give a clear message to the Cambodian government, Ma warned they could bring economic drawbacks.
“It may help reduce such incidents,” he said. “But, in the long term, they may hurt Korean companies and investors operating in Cambodia.”
The government has already summoned the Cambodian ambassador, demanding swift and transparent investigations into crimes targeting Koreans.
If the situation persists, the administration may consider recalling its diplomats from Phnom Penh for consultations ― or leaving key positions temporarily vacant ― as a signal of serious disapproval and a means of pressuring Cambodian authorities.
While a few lawmakers have publicly floated the idea of deploying Korean military forces to Cambodia, experts say such action faces insurmountable legal and diplomatic barriers.
One obvious obstacle is international law that prohibits deploying military forces into a foreign country without the host nation’s consent, as enshrined in Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter, except in cases of self-defense or when authorized by the United Nations Security Council.