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South Korea's 'middle power' moment has arrived — will it seize it?

For decades, South Korea has occupied an ambiguous position in the international order — too powerful to be dismissed as a small state, yet constrained by security dependence. The fracturing of American hegemony, the emergence of a more complex geopolitics and the growing assertiveness of non-Western nations have together created what may be the most significant opportunity for middle power diplomacy in a generation. The question is whether Seoul has the vision — and the domestic political will — to seize it. To understand South Korea’s opportunity, we must first understand the world it inhabits. Analysts routinely describe today’s international order as “fragmented” or “multipolar,” but both terms fall short. Fragmentation implies breakdown and multipolarity implies a simple distribution of power among a handful of great powers. Neither captures reality. As I have explained in my new book, "The Once and Future World Order" a more appropriate concept is multiplexity — a world of overlapping institutions, diverse actors and complex interdependencies, where no single

15h agoBy Amitav Acharya
South Korea's 'middle power' moment has arrived — will it seize it?
Guest Columns

Managing Sino-American interdependence

BEIJING — Last month’s summit between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping signaled that the Sino-American relationship is moving from intense confrontation back toward something more stable. Both sides have committed to fostering a “constructive relationship of strategic stability.” Their disagreements have not disappeared, but each has come to realize that continued escalation is costly, dangerous, and unsustainable. Competition must be governed by rules, and disputes must be managed. This judgment rests on sound strategic logic. During the Cold War, the prospect of “mutually assured destruction” prevented the United States and the Soviet Union from engaging in a head-to-head military conflict. Neither side trusted the other, but both understood that there could be no real winner from an escalatory war between nuclear powers. A similar logic applies to the U.S.-China economic relationship. Of course, economic interdependence is not the same as nuclear deterrence, and the potential costs of misjudgments do not rise to the same level. But in a world of

19h agoBy Qiyuan Xu
Managing Sino-American interdependence
Guest Columns

Korea, a culture of rooms

When people talk about Korean culture today, they usually begin with what the world can see: K-pop stages, dramas, street food, cosmetics, smartphones, fashion and the restless speed of Seoul. Korea is "energetic, digital, stylish and fast." However, another Korea exists behind this bright image. It is smaller, quieter and more enclosed. It is the Korea of rooms. The Korean word "bang" means room, and it appears everywhere: "PC bang" (internet cafes), "noraebang" (singing rooms), "jjimjilbang" (saunas), "manhwabang" (comic book libraries) and more. These are not minor details of urban life. Much of modern Korea life is not lived in broad public squares but the small rooms rented by the hour, shared with friends or occupied alone. To understand Korea only through its global performances is to miss this hidden architecture of daily life. This room culture grew out of density, competition, limited private space and organized urban life. In crowded cities, where many families live in apartments, commercial rooms become temporary extensions of the self. A PC bang is not simply a place to use a

1d agoBy Shin Go-eun
Korea, a culture of rooms
Guest Columns

Is a European single market for energy such a good idea?

LONDON — Whatever happens with the US-Iran peace process and global energy prices, the strategic implications of this year’s supply disruptions are already clear. The crisis is further confirmation of the need to phase out fossil fuels, both to mitigate climate change and to strengthen energy security. But for Europe, which remains heavily dependent on imported energy, some less obvious implications may ultimately prove more consequential. To address the precipitous decline in its share of global GDP this century, Europe must lower its energy costs. European de-industrialization stems not just from the decline of energy-intensive output such as chemicals, fertilizers, and steel, but also from the fact that European industries pay twice as much for electricity as their U.S. and Chinese competitors. As long as that remains true, the continent will fall behind in the industries of the future, not least AI, which depends on power-guzzling computing power. We have all heard the optimistic pitch for a transition from imported fossil fuels to domestically produced, price-competitive renew

1d agoBy Brigitte Granville
Is a European single market for energy such a good idea?
Guest Columns

To avoid climate peril, the world must electrify

ISTANBUL — The cascade of shocks to the global economy over the past few months has offered a glimpse of our new reality. The Gulf conflict has taken an extraordinary—and dangerous—amount of oil, gas, and fertilizer off the market, and now a possible “super” El Niño cycle could bring more extreme weather. That means this year’s United Nations Climate Change Conference — COP31 in Antalya, Turkey—will come just as millions of people have been pushed deeper into energy and food poverty, forced to suffer truly terrible conditions as they endure more severe natural disasters. These perils underscore the danger of continuing to depend on imported fossil fuels. Around 80% of the global population lives in countries that remain net importers of fossil fuels, and we have just witnessed how vulnerable this reliance leaves our economic security. Around the world, but especially in developing countries, the prices of essentials have spiked, financial conditions have deteriorated, and debt distress has spread. This latest global crisis further reinforces the need for cleaner, more

2d agoBy Murat Kurum
To avoid climate peril, the world must electrify
Guest Columns

What China’s HBM catch-up should teach Korea

Two headlines in June should shape Korea’s artificial intelligence (AI) debate. The first was a victory lap. SK hynix overtook Samsung Electronics by common-share market capitalization for a day, powered by high-bandwidth memory (HBM) chips used in AI systems. Samsung has a fair caveat: If preferred shares are included, it remains larger. But the market signal was clear. AI has turned memory from a cyclical commodity into critical infrastructure. The second headline was less comfortable. Korean and industry reports suggest China’s ChangXin Memory Technologies (CXMT) is moving faster in HBM than many in Seoul expected. Korea still leads. But the margin is narrowing, and that should change how Seoul thinks about its AI goals. Start with what the CXMT story actually shows. HBM3 is no longer the frontier. Nvidia’s Rubin platform uses HBM4, and Korean firms are already pushing into HBM4 and HBM4E. SK hynix has shipped samples of 12-layer HBM4E chips to major customers, while Samsung has showcased HBM4 and HBM4E products for Nvidia’s next-generation platforms. CXMT is trying to close

Jul 2, 2026By Daniel Castro and Kim Se-jin
What China’s HBM catch-up should teach Korea
Guest Columns

Digital frontline of East Asia security regime

Northeast Asia is entering a period of profound strategic transformation. The region is no longer defined solely by military balances, territorial disputes or nuclear deterrence. Instead, it is increasingly shaped by the convergence of artificial intelligence (AI), cyber capabilities, hybrid warfare, technological competition, energy security and shifting major-power alignments. The result is an emerging security architecture that is more complex, interconnected and unpredictable than at any point since the end of the Cold War. Recent diplomatic developments illustrate the speed of this transformation. U.S. President Donald Trump’s renewed engagement with China's President Xi Jinping, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s strategic coordination with Beijing, and Xi’s outreach to North Korean leader Kim Jong-un underscore how major-power politics continues to shape Northeast Asia. Yet the region’s future is not being determined only through summits and military posturing. Increasingly, the decisive battleground lies in cyberspace, technological innovation, AI governance, semicondu

Jul 2, 2026By Jagannath Panda
Digital frontline of East Asia security regime
Guest Columns

Xi-Kim summit rebalancing chessboard?

The lavish welcome Chinese President Xi Jinping received on his recent visit to North Korea stylistically underscored a deep and comradely relationship between the two communist regimes. Xi’s trip to Pyongyang, his first visit in seven years to the secluded socialist state, was nonetheless more about reviving and rebalancing ties with the dictator Kim Jong-un than about political substance. Xi as General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, lavished praise on North Korea, a neighboring state sharing many of China’s cultural traditions. State media reported that both are “socialist countries led by communist parties with traditional friendship, rooted in their shared ideals and beliefs as well as their common goals, and backed by a profound historical foundation, a solid political basis, and strong emotional bonds.” During the 1950-53 Korean War for example, newly founded People’s Republic of China sent hundreds of thousands of “volunteers” to aid North Korea’s attack on South Korea. The Chinese communist forces sustained huge losses in helping their North Korean co

Jul 2, 2026By John J. Metzler
Xi-Kim summit rebalancing chessboard?
Guest Columns

7 lessons to escape a world in disorder

Our international environment today is as chaotic, disorderly and bleak as any of us can remember. The last decade or more has been a far cry from the cooperation and optimism that generally prevailed in the first two decades after the end of the Cold War. The litany of what has gone wrong is long. We have seen an erosion of respect, especially by the biggest powers, for international law, multilateral institutions and processes. We have witnessed the waging of aggressive war in Ukraine and Iran, the militarization of the South China Sea, paralysis in the U.N. Security Council and a collapse of development assistance funding. The United States has withdrawn from multiple international agencies, and retreated from the World Trade Organization while adopting trade coercion. There has been a failure of response to mass atrocity crimes, assaults on the International Criminal Court and weakness in collective responses to the great existential threats of climate change, pandemics and nuclear war. Nuclear arms control agreements are either dead, dying or on life support, and no solutions hav

Jul 1, 2026By Gareth Evans
7 lessons to escape a world in disorder
Guest Columns

The evolving Europe-Korea strategic partnership: A view from Brussels and Berlin

I have recently been conducting research and holding meetings with senior officials in Brussels and Berlin. I arrived shortly after the summit between Lee Jae Myung and European Union leaders, which began a swing through Europe for the Korean president. Lee had a packed agenda: an EU-Korea summit, bilateral summits with the Belgian and Italian prime ministers, an audience with Pope Leo XIV and attendance at the G7 leaders’ meeting in France. As former EU ambassador to Korea Michael Reiterer put it, “a Korean president spending 10 consecutive days in Europe sticks out.” Indeed, after 18 months of relative torpor in Europe-Korea relations, Lee’s visit marked a step forward. Above all, it was a moment for strategic partners to take stock of a mature relationship that had suffered deprioritization due to recent distractions — notably Europe’s focus on Russia and Seoul’s reestablishing of political normalcy following former President Yoon Suk Yeol’s martial law folly. My time in Brussels and Berlin thus came at the right moment, and provided a timely opportunity to hold disc

Jun 30, 2026
The evolving Europe-Korea strategic partnership: A view from Brussels and Berlin
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