By Oh Young-jin
When the disruption of the U.S. Army 2nd Infantry Division's centennial celebration party was reported, Americans and Koreans reacted the same way ― it's a resurgence of anti-American sentiment.
But it may not be. However alien it may sound, it may be the other way around ― the emergence of anti-Koreanism among Americans ― both the public and government.
Don't blame them for failing to know what's coming. Americans are so accustomed to being hated that they have made a kneejerk reaction. The same goes with Koreans, too.
But anti-Koreanism can prove to be more of a deal breaker to the ROK-U.S. alliance than anti-Americanism because the latter is time-tested, while the first is a new phenomenon. The picture is made clearer when the Uijeongbu incident is thrown together with U.S. President Donald Trump, the ROK-U.S. row over the deployment of a Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) missile interceptor and North Korea apologist Bruce Cumings' winning of the 2017 Jeju April 3 Peace Award.
First, the June 10 concert in Uijeongbu looks anecdotal but it is not.
Performers canceled their appearances at the centennial celebration, organized by the city, which owes a lot of its revenue to 2nd ID GIs, mainstay fighting force from U.S. Forces Korea (USFK). Civic activists demanded the concert be canceled, arguing that it was inappropriate because it came ahead of the 15th anniversary of the Yangju Highway Incident in which two Korean girls ― Hyosun and Misun ― were crushed to death by an American tracked vehicle.
From facebook accounts, it is not difficult to find the sentiment among foreigners that come down to "not again." They obviously anticipated anti-American sentiment in the familiar thread of the two allies' long-running love-hate relationship.
But seen from the perspective of hundreds of young U.S. soldiers in the audience, it would not be such a yawn-causing, "I-have-seen-it-before" reaction. After all, on a daily basis, they put their lives on the line to defend a country that is not theirs. It would be odd, if they didn't feel unappreciated or more humiliated. The top brass ― U.S. Forces Korea commander Gen. Brooks, 8th Army commander Lt. Gen. Vandal and 2nd ID commander Maj. Gen. Martin who were present at the concert ― without a doubt would not be happy. Just think about what these soldiers will tell their families and friends via social media about the disrupted concert and how the generals will report it to the chain of command back to Washington. It is like "Yankee go home" so loud for the GIs' parents and the American public to hear.
Juxtapose that with the THAAD brouhaha.
The new government publicly raised an issue over the omission of four launchers to the battery during the defense ministry's report to the presidential office. This matter could have been dealt with more discreetly but President Moon Jae-in stoked it by calling it "shocking." Then, he went a step further to declare that the deployment would be put on hold pending an extensive environmental assessment review. Deployment within this year is out of the question. The U.S. ended up looking like an accomplice in a smuggling operation together with some rogue Korean defense officials.
The U.S. government ― departments of state and defense ― went on the defensive first by arguing that it didn't do anything wrong. Korea plays the junior role of beseecher in its alliance with the U.S. but this time, the tables have been turned.
Trump called in his top lieutenants and let it be known that Washington wants no retractions on the deployment. Can you see anything amiss? Trump obviously found the reversal of roles unpleasant. In their June 29 and 30 summit in Washington, Moon won't take the blows hands down from or yield in a handshake contest with Trump. In other words, one should hopes that there will be no fist fight between the two leaders.
Anti-Koreanism in the U.S. is at best a novelty. After all, Korea has been a model student following its superpower ally's lead. Any ill-blood with Korea has been limited to a small number of wonks in Washington.
It has all changed due to the Trump campaign. Trump called Seoul the "freeloader" thriving on American taxpayers, and the bilateral free trade agreement "the worst deal."
Trump displayed a visceral indiscriminate dislike for traditional allies and partners ― Japan, Europe, Mexico, Canada and Korea, arguing that they have cheated Americans. This put Korea on the map for the American public.
Trump won the election and earned the voters' endorsement of his vow to make America great again at whoever's expense. Now, Korea is officially one of the bad guys. Trump may touch off a wellspring of anti-Koreanism.
Finally, these developments have come against the background of the growing leftist tendency in Korean society ― one interesting example is captured by U.S. historian Bruce Cumings winning the prize to commemorate the 1947 massacre of its own people by the South Korean government. Cumings is known for exempting North Korea from the responsibility of triggering the 1950-53 Korean War. He also blames the U.S. for the North Korean nuclear and missile challenge.
Where do all these lead?
One can't rule out that it is the beginning of the end of the long Korea-U.S. marriage. It's hard to tell whether the two will eventually divorce or get reconciled with each other. I had a flurry of gives and takes with one facebook commentator, who observed that presidents come and go and that the alliance will remain intact. But what if there are one too many presidents that have come and gone to maintain the status quo?
Oh Young-jin is The Korea Times' chief editorial writer. Contact foolsdie5@ktimes.com and foolsdie@gmail.com.
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But it may not be. However alien it may sound, it may be the other way around ― the emergence of anti-Koreanism among Americans ― both the public and government.
Don't blame them for failing to know what's coming. Americans are so accustomed to being hated that they have made a kneejerk reaction. The same goes with Koreans, too.
But anti-Koreanism can prove to be more of a deal breaker to the ROK-U.S. alliance than anti-Americanism because the latter is time-tested, while the first is a new phenomenon. The picture is made clearer when the Uijeongbu incident is thrown together with U.S. President Donald Trump, the ROK-U.S. row over the deployment of a Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) missile interceptor and North Korea apologist Bruce Cumings' winning of the 2017 Jeju April 3 Peace Award.
First, the June 10 concert in Uijeongbu looks anecdotal but it is not.
Performers canceled their appearances at the centennial celebration, organized by the city, which owes a lot of its revenue to 2nd ID GIs, mainstay fighting force from U.S. Forces Korea (USFK). Civic activists demanded the concert be canceled, arguing that it was inappropriate because it came ahead of the 15th anniversary of the Yangju Highway Incident in which two Korean girls ― Hyosun and Misun ― were crushed to death by an American tracked vehicle.
From facebook accounts, it is not difficult to find the sentiment among foreigners that come down to "not again." They obviously anticipated anti-American sentiment in the familiar thread of the two allies' long-running love-hate relationship.
But seen from the perspective of hundreds of young U.S. soldiers in the audience, it would not be such a yawn-causing, "I-have-seen-it-before" reaction. After all, on a daily basis, they put their lives on the line to defend a country that is not theirs. It would be odd, if they didn't feel unappreciated or more humiliated. The top brass ― U.S. Forces Korea commander Gen. Brooks, 8th Army commander Lt. Gen. Vandal and 2nd ID commander Maj. Gen. Martin who were present at the concert ― without a doubt would not be happy. Just think about what these soldiers will tell their families and friends via social media about the disrupted concert and how the generals will report it to the chain of command back to Washington. It is like "Yankee go home" so loud for the GIs' parents and the American public to hear.
Juxtapose that with the THAAD brouhaha.
The new government publicly raised an issue over the omission of four launchers to the battery during the defense ministry's report to the presidential office. This matter could have been dealt with more discreetly but President Moon Jae-in stoked it by calling it "shocking." Then, he went a step further to declare that the deployment would be put on hold pending an extensive environmental assessment review. Deployment within this year is out of the question. The U.S. ended up looking like an accomplice in a smuggling operation together with some rogue Korean defense officials.
The U.S. government ― departments of state and defense ― went on the defensive first by arguing that it didn't do anything wrong. Korea plays the junior role of beseecher in its alliance with the U.S. but this time, the tables have been turned.
Trump called in his top lieutenants and let it be known that Washington wants no retractions on the deployment. Can you see anything amiss? Trump obviously found the reversal of roles unpleasant. In their June 29 and 30 summit in Washington, Moon won't take the blows hands down from or yield in a handshake contest with Trump. In other words, one should hopes that there will be no fist fight between the two leaders.
Anti-Koreanism in the U.S. is at best a novelty. After all, Korea has been a model student following its superpower ally's lead. Any ill-blood with Korea has been limited to a small number of wonks in Washington.
It has all changed due to the Trump campaign. Trump called Seoul the "freeloader" thriving on American taxpayers, and the bilateral free trade agreement "the worst deal."
Trump displayed a visceral indiscriminate dislike for traditional allies and partners ― Japan, Europe, Mexico, Canada and Korea, arguing that they have cheated Americans. This put Korea on the map for the American public.
Trump won the election and earned the voters' endorsement of his vow to make America great again at whoever's expense. Now, Korea is officially one of the bad guys. Trump may touch off a wellspring of anti-Koreanism.
Finally, these developments have come against the background of the growing leftist tendency in Korean society ― one interesting example is captured by U.S. historian Bruce Cumings winning the prize to commemorate the 1947 massacre of its own people by the South Korean government. Cumings is known for exempting North Korea from the responsibility of triggering the 1950-53 Korean War. He also blames the U.S. for the North Korean nuclear and missile challenge.
Where do all these lead?
One can't rule out that it is the beginning of the end of the long Korea-U.S. marriage. It's hard to tell whether the two will eventually divorce or get reconciled with each other. I had a flurry of gives and takes with one facebook commentator, who observed that presidents come and go and that the alliance will remain intact. But what if there are one too many presidents that have come and gone to maintain the status quo?
Oh Young-jin is The Korea Times' chief editorial writer. Contact foolsdie5@ktimes.com and foolsdie@gmail.com.
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