Is Moon Jae-in pinko?

By Oh Young-jin

Some detractors of Moon Jae-in would call him and his supporters a bunch of commies and claim that they shouldn't be trusted to run the country.

Moon, the leading contender in the May 9 presidential election, recently caught a great deal of flak for talking about his being cited by Chun Doo-hwan, a former Army general and president, for his tour of duty in a Special Forces unit. Gwangju people were upset because Chun was responsible for the May 18, 1980 massacre by Special Forces soldiers, as part of his power grab.

How do the two events get linked? Obviously, the first has got so much under Moon's skin that he had felt an urge to deal with it by bringing about his not-so-proud ties with the infamous general.

Even experienced pundits said that Moon got carried away but chances are that it is not the case.

But it should be seen rather as a gesture by Moon to reach out to the other side ― the hostile territory of the conservatives. Interestingly, Moon has been careful not to look friendly to conservatives and is prone to chide An Hee-jung, the distant second in the party primary to choose its standard bearer, for doing so.

That is Moon's strategy not to raise the ire of his traditional progressive support base and prevent them from going astray. An, the South Chungcheong Province governor, tried to do the lofty political initiative and has paid heavily through a major slip in popularity, serving as a lightning rod for the progressives' wrath.

Despite his blooper, Moon's strategy of trying to rein in his traditional supporters, called "domestic rabbits" has worked, snaring the important and convincing victory in the first stop of the primary round in Gwangju.

There are a couple of factors that Moon had stealthily tried to address his being branded as commie at a considerable risk.

First, his popularity is solid with his support base, strong enough to win the party's candidacy. But he needs more than that to win the presidential election, including stragglers from the conservatives.

True, conservative contenders turned into dwarves after President Park Geun-hye was found to be incapable of governing the nation and was impeached. But, it is too early to rule out that the conservatives can turn into a veto group for Moon, especially when Ahn Cheol-soo, former software mogul and now candidate-to-be of the third-largest Honam-based People's Party. Honam includes western parts of the nation ― Jeolla Provinces and Gwangju City ― a traditional rival to Yongnam, Gyeongsang Provinces and Busan. Moon and Ahn are from Yongnam to win a broader support from both regions, pivotal to the victory.

Being called a commie can have an incendiary effect for Moon first because his potential rival Ahn is free from such red-baiting accusations. Ahn was a businessman, a job of conservative nature, and his newcomer politician status can help reliever him of ideological baggage. Then, in the "anything-goes" election politics, if you get such a labeling, it would stick to Moon whether it is true or not.

So why is Moon gaining such suspicions, except for the black propaganda factors?

Here are four of his remarks that have poured gasoline on his detractors and made them scream, "A commie."

"I would go to North Korea first before the United States, if I become president."

True, it's customary for a new Korean President to visit the U.S. because it is the most important ally. But when the current dicey balance of power is skewed further by the North's missile and nuclear development efforts at the risk of another conflict on the peninsula, dealing with the North would be a higher priority for a new President and the alliance as well. Going to Pyongyang or meeting Kim Jong-un wouldn't be an act of treason but one promoting peace for everybody.

"I would reopen Gaeseong Industrial Park."

The flagship inter-Korean joint project was closed by former President Park as one of the first steps to accommodate U.S. calls for the closure dating back to the Bush administration to constrain the North's cash flow. That was seen by some as an act of burning down the last bridge leading to the North. There have been no talks with the North since but the North has pressed on with its plan for the weapons of mass destruction. Seen in an ideological light, it could be taken as a willingness to sleep with the enemy but it could be broadly thought it would be a way of breaking the gridlock through a change of approach.

"I am opposed to the deployment of Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD)."

China is vehemently opposed to its U.S. missile interceptor against the North's missile attacks by claiming that it targets China. It is a Chinese ruse to get at the U.S. in its broader campaign to stake its claim in South China Sea and for Asia as well. But it was Moon's moment to vacillate between putting all eggs in the same basket and diversifying the portfolio.

"We have to learn to say no to Americans."

Moon also said that the U.S. is Korea's most important friend. It is absurd to assume that Korea has not said no to the U.S. So it is more correct to take this statement for campaign rhetoric.

All told, Moon is often seen with a halo from his mentor and friend Roh Moo-hyun on his head.

What he has been saying is reminiscent of the late president who rose to power amid the cresting anti-Americanism following the deaths of two girls crushed by U.S. armored vehicles in exercise.

But there are two factors that indicate Moon is different from Roh in terms of personal character and infrastructure of support he has inherited.

First, it is true that his remarks are for election purposes but also reflect how he feels about the related issues. But bear in mind the transition from candidate to president. Moon has had such experience as chief of staff and other senior lieutenants for Roh so the chance is that he would avoid a rough patch in his learning curve as his friend did. Roh didn't have such a benefit.

Then, much of his supporting staff is inherited from Roh and they come with the whole nine yards of experience.

They, Moon included, know what politics are about ― getting the job done can be more important than causes. Just think why Roh kept Moon at his side for much of his time in office. It wouldn't terribly wrong to think that he knew Moon is steady and less prone to ups and downs in emotional swing. To Roh, Moon was a counterweight to bring a sense of balance to him and served as ballasts to calm him down.

So the chance is that Moon may turn out to be a lot more regular guy than some people want to believe, maybe disappointingly so to some.

Oh Young-jin is The Korea Times' chief editorial writer. Contact foolsdie5@ktimes.com and foolsdie@gmail.com.