Will prosecutors not disappoint people this time around?
Few Korean prosecutors, incumbent or former, might have enjoyed greater popularity than Hong Joon-pyo, currently governor of South Gyeongsang Province. In the mid-1990s, Hong became a national star by punishing the right-hand man of ex-President Roh Tae-woo guilty of corruption, an episode made into a big-hit TV drama. Twenty years later, Hong appeared at the prosecutor's office again Friday ― as a suspect who violated bribery and political funding laws.
Thus began another political drama that will captivate Koreans for weeks or months to come. Unfortunately, Hong, or even former Prime Minister Lee Wan-koo, who resigned last month under similar suspicion, will not be playing leading parts because their political usefulness has almost run out, at least as far as the governing camp sees it. The two politicians seem to have been left on their own to survive their ordeals, or not.
The same is not true for six others on the list of alleged bribe-takers left by the late tycoon Sung Woan-jong. People will be watching closely whether the prosecution will be able to apply the same strict criteria on three former and present chiefs of staff to President Park Geun-hye, and another three officials who were key campaign managers for Park in the 2012 election.
Sadly, chances are not very good if past experiences are any guide. As soon as the "Sung Woan-jong list" became public, President Park attempted to water down the scandal by trying to ascribe it to the two special pardons given to Sung by former President Roh Moo-hyun.
The chief executive then called for "political reforms" targeting the entire political community, dragging opposition politicians down with her and effectively shifting from defense to offense.
President Park's tactics seem to have worked, as shown by the ruling party's win in by-elections and the rebound in her own approval rating.
Park may survive another crisis in this way, but democracy will die.
What Koreans with a modicum of democratic sense are finding most difficult to understand is President Park's words and behavior since she took office two years ago. Whenever big political scandals occur, the nation's first female president has acted as if she is way above, or far away from them, in what critics describe as "out-of-body" narratives. If and when the politicians on Sung's list prove to have taken his money and spent it for electioneering, the biggest beneficiary of such law-breaking acts would have been President Park herself.
And what makes the ruling camp ― and even some voters ― blind to this evident assumption is just blind adherence to power no matter what, and a regional and ideological bias that supports the conservative leader, although it would mean a shameful setback for the nation's hard-won democracy. The legitimacy of President Park and her administration has already been sharply eroded by the military cyber worriers' meddling in the election by posting writings vilifying Park's rivals. The ongoing scandal would weaken it further beyond recovery, which may explain the foul plays within the governing circles.
Many Koreans hate Japan, but people can and should learn from foreigners they do not like. As early as the 1970s, Japan's prosecutors imprisoned a former prime minister and the then kingmaker for receiving kickbacks from Lockheed Corp. That became possible because of young prosecutors' strong sense of duty and the Japanese people's democratic zeal ― plus the then Cabinet's noninterference, voluntary or forced.
The current scandal is much easier to crack than what happened in Japan four decades ago. If the ruling camp is allowed to get away with it with just some slaps on the wrist, not just law enforcement officers but all Koreans must be ashamed ― little less than the Japanese should because of their historical lies.
Few Korean prosecutors, incumbent or former, might have enjoyed greater popularity than Hong Joon-pyo, currently governor of South Gyeongsang Province. In the mid-1990s, Hong became a national star by punishing the right-hand man of ex-President Roh Tae-woo guilty of corruption, an episode made into a big-hit TV drama. Twenty years later, Hong appeared at the prosecutor's office again Friday ― as a suspect who violated bribery and political funding laws.
Thus began another political drama that will captivate Koreans for weeks or months to come. Unfortunately, Hong, or even former Prime Minister Lee Wan-koo, who resigned last month under similar suspicion, will not be playing leading parts because their political usefulness has almost run out, at least as far as the governing camp sees it. The two politicians seem to have been left on their own to survive their ordeals, or not.
The same is not true for six others on the list of alleged bribe-takers left by the late tycoon Sung Woan-jong. People will be watching closely whether the prosecution will be able to apply the same strict criteria on three former and present chiefs of staff to President Park Geun-hye, and another three officials who were key campaign managers for Park in the 2012 election.
Sadly, chances are not very good if past experiences are any guide. As soon as the "Sung Woan-jong list" became public, President Park attempted to water down the scandal by trying to ascribe it to the two special pardons given to Sung by former President Roh Moo-hyun.
The chief executive then called for "political reforms" targeting the entire political community, dragging opposition politicians down with her and effectively shifting from defense to offense.
President Park's tactics seem to have worked, as shown by the ruling party's win in by-elections and the rebound in her own approval rating.
Park may survive another crisis in this way, but democracy will die.
What Koreans with a modicum of democratic sense are finding most difficult to understand is President Park's words and behavior since she took office two years ago. Whenever big political scandals occur, the nation's first female president has acted as if she is way above, or far away from them, in what critics describe as "out-of-body" narratives. If and when the politicians on Sung's list prove to have taken his money and spent it for electioneering, the biggest beneficiary of such law-breaking acts would have been President Park herself.
And what makes the ruling camp ― and even some voters ― blind to this evident assumption is just blind adherence to power no matter what, and a regional and ideological bias that supports the conservative leader, although it would mean a shameful setback for the nation's hard-won democracy. The legitimacy of President Park and her administration has already been sharply eroded by the military cyber worriers' meddling in the election by posting writings vilifying Park's rivals. The ongoing scandal would weaken it further beyond recovery, which may explain the foul plays within the governing circles.
Many Koreans hate Japan, but people can and should learn from foreigners they do not like. As early as the 1970s, Japan's prosecutors imprisoned a former prime minister and the then kingmaker for receiving kickbacks from Lockheed Corp. That became possible because of young prosecutors' strong sense of duty and the Japanese people's democratic zeal ― plus the then Cabinet's noninterference, voluntary or forced.
The current scandal is much easier to crack than what happened in Japan four decades ago. If the ruling camp is allowed to get away with it with just some slaps on the wrist, not just law enforcement officers but all Koreans must be ashamed ― little less than the Japanese should because of their historical lies.
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