By Lee Myong-chan

Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama stepped down in early June, eight months after a sweeping victory of his Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) in the August 2009 general elections. He got off to a good start with high approval ratings. But he cited a political fundraising scandal and the Futenma airbase relocation issue as the reasons for his resignation.

However, an underlying cause of his resignation lay in the serious problem of the two-tiered power structure of the Hatoyama administration. The actual power was in the hands of Ichiro Ozawa, then-secretary general of the ruling DPJ.

Commenting on Ozawa's political gambit, Japanese Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada said the double power structure (of the government and the DPJ) is not desirable. He also noted that the party is losing its own characteristics due partly to the fundraising scandal. Such criticism was also voiced within the DPJ.

Ozawa sought to drive Hatoyama out of power because he became enraged over the then-prime minister's sacking of Consumer Affairs Minister Mizuho Fukushima, without any consultation with the party in the process of dealing with the U.S.'s Futenma base issue.

In reaction to this, Hatoyama also called on Ozawa to step down over the political fundraising scandal. Finally, the showdown led to the simultaneous resignation of both political heavyweights. According to an opinion poll, the overwhelming majority (87 percent) of Japanese said they positively estimated Ozawa's ouster.

Newly-appointed Prime Minister Naoto Kan conducted a reshuffle to exclude pro-Ozawa figures from the Cabinet lineup. He appointed Yukio Edano, who was leading the anti-Ozawa front, as DPJ secretary general. He also named Yoshito Sengoku as chief cabinet secretary, the No. 2 position in the Cabinet.

Kan's anti-Ozawa reshuffle was also seen as a ploy not to provide any room for the opposition Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to attack the DPJ ahead of the upcoming July polls to elect members of the House of Councilors.

According to a survey conducted by the Sankei Shimbun on June 5 and 6, 57.3 percent of the Japanese said they have expectations for the DPJ. And 85.8 percent of those backing no political party said that Kan should form the Cabinet without any members of the Ozawa faction.

LDP members have expressed a sense of crisis that if Kan keeps Ozawa at bay, they will have little leeway to deal a blow to the new administration by zeroing in on the fundraising scandal.

However, a lawmaker close to Ozawa said, ``If members of the Ozawa faction are totally excluded from the Cabinet lineup, the party might be split in two in September. Ozawa may leave the party." He complained about the explicit anti-Ozawa move. The Ozawa faction has begun to rally its members behind it to prepare for the election of the party leader scheduled for September.

Prime Minister Kan has no track record in foreign policy and security policy. So no one knows much about his diplomatic acumen. Asked about his knowledge about diplomacy after a nomination speech, Kan said that during his schooldays, he read ``The Price of Peace (Heiwa no Daishou)" written by Yonosuke Nagai, a professor of international politics.

Kan apparently tried to imply that he has a pragmatic view about diplomacy, influenced by Prof. Nagai who was one of key international politics scholars advocating pragmatism.

Nagai was a pragmatic political scientist who described Japan's postwar diplomacy as ``Yoshida Doctrine," which stressed the economy more and with less burden on the military based on the U.S.-Japan alliance. He highly appreciated the doctrine (that was named after Japan's post-World War II Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida).

Prime Minister Kan has inherited major diplomatic tasks from his predecessor: the yet-to-be-resolved relocation of the U.S.'s Futenma airbase and how to stabilize the U.S.-Japan alliance. There arise conflicting views within the DPJ in the run-up to the selection of the party leader: which does the party prefer, the U.S.-Japan alliance or the interest of Okinawa?

It remains to be seen which one Kan would support. In a press conference for his inauguration, Kan just reiterated that it is Japan's responsibility to honor the U.S.-Japan agreement on the base relocation, while the bilateral accord and the Cabinet decision on the issue emphasized the importance of reducing the burden of Okinawa.

Kan stresses diplomacy with Asia. And considering the policy stance of his aides including Chief Cabinet Secretary Sengoku, the new prime minister is expected to continue Hatoyama's initiative of forming an East Asia community.

Under the motto of the Asia-centered policy, Sengoku has been advocating the development of Japan's friendly and cooperative ties with China and Korea.

During his visit to Seoul on August 7, 2006, Sengoku met with leaders of both ruling and opposition parties and explained that the deterioration in ties between the two countries was due to then-Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi who did not refuse to visit the Yasukuni Shrine. He also said his party put more weight on Asia.

Prime Minister Kan has made no remarks about history-related issues or the territorial disputes with neighboring countries. However, given his Asia-focused foreign policy direction, there seems to be little possibility of him sparking a controversy over history.

He is also likely to maintain the status quo, while refraining from actively laying a claim to Korea's easternmost islets of Dokdo.

In case the DPJ wins the Upper House elections set for July under the leadership of Kan and creates a favorable environment to keep its hold on power stably, the new prime minister could take a more flexible stance on the history issues.

Lee Myong-chan is a research fellow at the Northeast Asian History Foundation in Seoul. He obtained a Ph.D. in international politics from Keio University. He also serves as a member of an advisory committee at the Ministry of National Defense of Republic of Korea. He can be reached at dh975441@hanmail.net.