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| Saenuri Party lawmakers attend a meeting, presided over by Reps. Chong Jong-sup, Na Kyung-won and Lee Ju-young — fourth, fifth, and sixth from left — at the National Assembly, Thursday, to discuss a constitutional amendment. / Yonhap |
Politicians call for decentralizing presidential power
By Kim Hyo-jin
A constitutional revision emerged as a hot button issue in the post-impeachment stage in politics here.
A broad consensus has been built among the political circle about the need to change the current five-year single-term presidential system that allows unbridled power for an elected president.
The country's biggest corruption scandal involving President Park Geun-hye and her confidant Choi Soon-sil propelled the issue to be a priority for the National Assembly.
The rival parties agreed to set up a special panel to discuss a constitutional revision two days after the scandal-ridden President was impeached with support of over two-thirds of the 300 Assemblymen.
The related talks are expected to be further buoyed by some politicians seeking political realignment ahead of an early presidential election.
"Korea has had seven leaders under the imperial presidential system and they were all unhappy and failed in the end," said Rep. Kim Moo-sung, the former Saenuri Pary leader who leads the revisionist movement in the ruling bloc.
"Whoever seizes power, he or she is doomed to fail as long as the system malfunctions. I hope we can elect the next leader under a new system."
Imperial presidency
When the legislature amended the Constitution in 1987 inspired by the civic-led democratization movement, its focus was guaranteeing the direct election of the President and limiting a possible long-term presidency.
That last constitutional revision, introducing the five-year, single-term presidency, however, left many loopholes in terms of checks and balances of presidential power, pundits say.
"The South Korean government has excessive rights in managing state affairs if you consider it can even propose bills and devise budget plans, which are left in the hands of the legislature in the U.S.," Lee Jun-han, a politics professor at Incheon National University, said.
Kim Sung-soo, also a professor of politics at Hanyang University agreed, saying "The presidential system inevitably channels power to the president. Even still, there should be some institutional measures to keep the government's policy implementations in check."
"In the U.S., they can be contained by the states' law, federal law or even through the Senate. Korea lacks tools to prevent the president from overstepping his or her authority."
The latest corruption scandal, where President Park shared her power with her unofficial confidant Choi Soon-sil, was viewed as the naked reality of an imperial presidency.
Politicians added fuel to talks of decentralizing the president's power.
A four-year, two-term presidency; parliamentary system; or semi-presidential system, under which the president would be responsible for foreign and national security affairs while the prime minister would be responsible for domestic affairs are being discussed as possible alternatives.
"The fate of the country has been left in the hands of one person. We need a power-sharing system to dispel such uncertainty," Lee Nae-young, a politics professor at Korea University, said, welcoming the burgeoning talks in the politics sphere.
Lee and Kim said even if the country seeks the parliamentary system, unstable party politics will be a stumbling block to make it work smoothly.
"Parties here often engage with factional politics, mobilize public support relying on popular politicians, political ideology or regionalism, without representing the interests of voters," Kim noted.
Lee said in order for the parliamentary system to function, reforming the electoral and party system should accompany it. He exemplified a fair process of nominating candidates and an increase in the number of lawmakers elected through the proportional representation system.
Pundits viewed the semi-presidential system negatively. They noted that there was little possibility of being able to divide foreign and domestic affairs successfully and a greater chance for the president and prime minister to clash repeatedly over the extent of their authority.
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| Ex-Saenuri Party Chairman Rep. Kim Moo-sung gives a speech at a National Assembly seminar to discuss a constitutional amendment, Tuesday. / Yonhap |
Timing
The consensus on the constitutional revision might have been made in the National Assembly. But revisionists are divided into two groups _ those pushing for it before the presidential election and those after.
The parties are waiting for the Constitutional Count's ruling on Park's impeachment which could take up to six months. If the impeachment is ruled lawful, presidential election must take place two months later, shortening Park's term which is supposed to end in December.
Ahead of an early presidential election, many remain cautious of pushing for the revision. Most notable presidential candidates agree on a timetable of doing this under the next administration.
Moon Jae-in, the former leader of the main opposition Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) who is leading polls of possible candidates for the presidency, said he believes it is necessary to revise the Constitution in a way to contain possible abuse of presidential power but the the timing is not right.
"We need to meet the public needs reflected in the candlelit rallies first," he told reporters. "After mending the situation, presidential runners should present their ideas on the constitutional revision as their electoral pledges and the next government should carry out the task."
Ahn Cheol-soo, the ex-chairman of the minor opposition People's Party, said "What the people want is the Assembly to work on matters that affect their livelihoods. Leaving the discussion to develop naturally during the presidential campaign is the most rational approach."
Meanwhile, voices for an early revision still remain. Notable figures are Sohn Hak-kyu, a former opposition advisor; DPK lawmaker Kim Boo-kyum; and ex-Saenuri Party leader Kim Moo-sung.
Their arguments, however, are viewed as an attempt to shake up the existing playing field. Minor potential presidential runners can expand their support by attracting the people or making alliances under the name of constitutional revision, analysts say.
Calls for the revision will hardly subside as long as political parties are seeking realignment ahead of the possible presidential election.
If Saenuri Party lawmakers aligned against President Park leave the party following a power struggle with Park loyalists, they will need to gain steam through a push for the constitutional revision.
The same goes for U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, who is set to come back to the country and may run in the presidential race.
Prospects
Despite it being a much-talked issue, there is little possibility that a two-third majority of the 300 Assemblymen _ the minimum requirement for a constitutional revision _ will agree upon a single revision motion, according to DPK floor leader Woo Sang-ho.
"It was difficult to secure that many votes when pushing for the impeachment motion," he said. "Even if we have the number for a constitutional revision, there's a sharp division between those supporting the four-year, two-term presidency and those backing the parliamentary system."
He added a parliamentary system presumes that the Assembly is disbanded first, which means not many Assemblymen will give up their remaining terms.
The four-year term 20th Assembly was formed in April this year.
"Now there's no single politician mentioning the possibility of shortening their term. Once the official talks open, their true intentions will be revealed," Woo said.
Another issue is if public sentiment is ripe enough.
"Under the circumstances where public anger and distrust toward the politics are high, a discussion led by politicians will hardly gain momentum," a lawmaker said.
"We can push for the constitutional revision only when the public are truly onboard."
