President Lee Myung-bak has brought a sense of charisma to presidency, among other things. Lee, in the picture, look at a desk-top computer he gave to an underprivileged student during his Christmas-eve trip. / Korea Times |
 By Oh Young-jin
City Editor
It is a risky business to define an incumbent President.
For one, a presidency is like an open book until the final day of the term. One last-minute mistake can taint the entire presidency or one unexpected achievement will be remembered as its defining moment.
If one still wants to make a judgment on a presidency in the making, he should take the risk of being proven to be wrong later. To hedge that risk, it is often prudent to use one of the most often-used models and apply it to a given presidency at the most appropriate time.
For President Lee Myung-bak, who took office on Feb. 25, 2008, now is the right time considering the 68-year-old head of state appears to be beating the learning curve, completing the important second year of his five-year presidency.
As often with most notable leaders, their leadership style is often placed in one of two different categories ― Don Quixote or Prince Hamlet.
Which of the two is Lee closer to?
Simple as it may sound, it is a complicated question.
First, his nickname of "Bulldozer" for his can-do spirit, which dates back to his days as CEO of a big construction firm, speaks volumes.
Lee has been a President with a focus.
As he promised during his election campaign, he has put all he has into the economy. His record is not bad, as, by and large, he has delivered on many of his promises.
Under his leadership, Korea has weathered the global financial crisis with only scratches and bruises. The economies of the United States and European countries are still in tatters.
Samsung Electronics and Hyundai Motor have registered a record profit year, giving out fat bonuses to their employees and being poised to expand their global footprint for the coming years.
Typical of Lee's style is his yearend trip to the United Arab Emirates to seal a multi-billion dollar deal on the sale of Korean-style nuclear reactors.
By this standard, Lee represents a hands-on, action-over-word presidency, resembling Don Quixote on his beloved Rocinante tilting at windmills.
But, obviously, Lee has traded the quixotic idealism with his own style of pragmatism.
This lack of idealism would be made plain, when his focus seems to enrich the national wealth first, even at the cost of a balanced distribution.
On this account, he is similar to former U.S. President George W. Bush on the surface and shares the deeper sense of mission with the late President Park Chung-hee, the father of Korea's industrialization.
Bush's presidency is defined by the war on terrorism, although both his Iraq war and Afghanistan campaign went haywire. But, if there is anything for history to remember him by, it would be his unswerving determination to his agenda. In addition, Bush's presidency is being given a cautious review in that his war on terrorism may have played a key role in deterring subsequent attacks.
A controversial multi-billion dollar four-river restoration project is Lee's Iraq war but its outcome has yet to be determined.
It is inevitable that Lee shares the late President Park's development-oriented philosophy of governance, considering he was part of Park's economic engine.
Then, does Lee have any semblance to the Danish prince of Shakespearean creation in leadership style?
True, it is hard to find significant similarities as Lee has a talented group of assistants to do the head-splitting reflecting for him ― Lee's Sancho Panzas.
First, his public relations team has done a good job in presenting the public with Lee at his best.
For instance, photos of Lee visiting an underprivileged family or embracing a grandma are given big play in newspapers, eroding the public perception of the President as a cold businessman.
Also minimizing Lee's unfiltered contact with the public is also to the PR team's credit. This gives Lee a sense of charisma in the minds of the people and forgoes diversions from his main message, which can be expected in frequent news conferences.
Also adding to the mix is "sympathetic" treatment by big conservative newspapers to presidential affairs.
Then, what is the possibility of Lee facing his moment of "To be or not to be?"
As with any leader, it is all but inevitable for Lee, too.
Perhaps Lee's most likely moments of the inevitable crises may come from inside rather than outside.
First, his elder brother, Lee Sang-deuk, is seen as a short fuse.
So far, the senior Lee hasn't quit politics as strongly recommended by others when his younger brother was elected as head of state. If there is no scandal directly tied to him, he is running the risk of being implicated by association, if history serves as any indication. The late President Kim Dae-jung has had his presidency smudged by multiple scandals involving his three sons. The seed of the scandal that led to the late President Roh Moo-hyun's suicide was his paternal concern for his children.
The problem is the high degree of trust President Lee places in his elder brother as a political mentor.
Lee also has to grapple with Park Geun-hye, the daughter of the late dictator-president Park who is seen to be the most popular candidate for the presidency after Lee.
The fragile coalition between Lee and Park is attributed to their mutual needs ― Lee needs Park for control of the National Assembly, while Park needs Lee for her chance as the next president.
The balance of power between the two could shift, causing their coalition to break up.
Lee's presidency can be put to a severe test due to North Korea and its nuclear programs. So far, Lee has held firm in his approach of reciprocity in dealing with the communist country but this is also subject to external factors that often prove to be beyond his control.
All in all, Lee has multiple tasks to juggle. One miss can taint his presidency.
foolsdie@koreatimes.co.kr
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