Attempts to 're-creat' past

By Andrei Lankov

North Korea is an extremely nationalistic place. As was the case in most communist states, as time went by, nationalism gradually and quietly replaced revolutionary internationalism as its de facto ideology ― though internationalist slogans are occasionally repeated and used when it suits the foreign policy goals of the country.

However, nationalism, at least in its modern variety, is deeply connected with history. An old joke, probably invented in the early 1900s when nationalism reigned supreme in Europe, said that kids only had to be taught two subjects in primary school: military training, so people would know how to shoot and history so they would know whom to shoot. Sometimes it seems that North Korea's approach to history is a living relic of this era.

Virtually all nationalists across the globe want to believe that their country has a unique and proud history and, in the past, dominated huge expanses of land. The North Korean version of history is no exception.

In recent years, North Korean historians have begun to claim that the so-called Taedong River culture is actually one of the few and most important of ancient civilizations, equal (and perhaps superior) to Mesopotamia, ancient Egypt, India and China. They also published historical maps in which pretty much all Northeast China and remarkably large chunks of the maritime provinces in Russia are presented as being part of this "primordial Korean state."

Admittedly, some South Korean nationalists also maintain similar, sometimes even wilder fantasies. But these people are a minority, whereas in North Korea, it is the vision outlined above that is the only accepted version of history.

Another great idea propounded is the great technological superiority of the Korean civilization, allegedly always at the vanguard of world's technological and scientific progress. In the Korean history museum in Pyongyang, visitors can see alleged replicas of Korean rockets from the 14th-15th century. These rockets look pretty much like copies of modern short-range missiles with long cylindrical bodies and fin-like stabilizers. It is quite possible that Korea, like many other East Asian nations, did use rockets for military purposes at the time. However, it is well known that the devices of the time looked rather different. Nonetheless, the museum's curators wanted to present visitors with yet more proof of Korea's historical technological prowess.

In this version of history, Korea's neighbors are always presented as a grave threat. All attacks by Korean forces on neighbouring countries (obviously there were not too many such attacks for obvious geopolitical reasons) are presented as preventative strikes in the face of a clear and immediate threat. Needless to say, such justifications are never to be found when Korea is attacked.

Of course, military encounters are nearly always presented as triumphs for Korean forces ― tellingly, the North Korean historians do not admit that Korea, for over a century, was part of the Mongol Empire. They are equally unwilling to admit that in the beginning of the Christian era large parts of the country were incorporated into Han China.

While pretty much all neighbours are portrayed with a measure of suspicion, two countries are singled out: Japan and the United States. North Korean readers of history books and historical fiction are always told that Japan and the United States are enemies of the Korean people, and that decision-makers in Tokyo and Washington spend a remarkable amount of their waking lives plotting their next attack on Pyongyang (and probably also spending a great deal of time dreaming about such things while asleep). The existence of ‘good' Japanese and Americans is admitted occasionally, but the policies of these countries are presented as uniformly black, no shades of grey are allowed.

Of course, it is stressed that Pyongyang, not Seoul, has always been the major center of Korea's political, social and cultural life. According to the North Korean version of history, the March First Movement of 1919 began not in Seoul, but in Pyongyang. The major rally was allegedly led by none other than Kim Il-sung's father, Kim Hyong-jik (who is alleged to have brought his son along for the action, a 7-year-old to face down Japanese bayonets and colonial brutality).

There is, of course, one contradiction that makes the lives of Korean historians difficult. They have to both glorify the Korean past but also denounce the ''feudal/reactionary" rulers of Korea's past. They usually try to explain that all the alleged stunning achievements and great victories of the Korean nation happened not because but in opposition to the then-existent political system and ruling elite. In essence, in their narrative the Korean people had to make wonderful inventions and fight treacherous enemies while being burdened by lazy and malevolent ministers and generals ― succeeding nonetheless in all their endeavours.

Professor Andrei Lankov was born in St. Petersburg, Russia, and teaches at Kookmin University in Seoul. You can reach him at anlankov@yahoo.com.