Korea, religion and the coronavirus

By Jian Seo and David Tizzard

Society is composed of a variety of collectively gathered interest groups: Religious groups, politicians, journalists, educators, businessmen and so on. While they all are essential in creating the fabric of our society, their respective characteristics differ greatly.

What unites these different interest groups is a common goal. Currently, one particular goal should be taking preference over many others: the health of the nation.

Thus, in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, artists have held shows and exhibitions on YouTube rather than stages; some restaurant owners have voluntarily closed their businesses; bus drivers, academy owners, delivery drivers, cleaners, electricians, medical workers, and a whole host of others have demonstrated their necessity to a society that had previously largely disregarded them.

These people took on burdens and discomfort in order that the common goal might be achieved. But these benevolent acts and sacrifices should not be taken for granted.

South Korea had been widely praised by the international community for its response in tackling this unforeseen and unprecedented health disaster. Even when the church-like cult of Shincheonji caused a great spike in numbers in the Daegu area, the country was able to recover and reduce the speed of virus diffusion through a collective effort from the citizens. Much of this included a public compliance with social distancing measures as well as shop owners abiding by quarantine rules.

This is what we Koreans proudly call "collective intelligence" (jip-dan ji-sung). Global media outlets from Belgium to Bono applauded our efforts and recovery and brought a great sense of achievement to the country.

But then something happened. Our once proud reputation was shattered. The previously record high numbers produced by the Shincheonji cult have been eclipsed by a new series of outbreaks ― once more centered on places of religious gatherings and worship.

Despite being asked to self-isolate along with the 4,000 members of his church so as to undergo COVID-19 tests and take necessary precautions, Reverend Jun Kwang-hoon of the Sarang Jeil Church organized an anti-government protest in the country's capital. Jun, his wife, and nearly 1,000 members have since all tested positive for Covid-19.

These are worrying numbers for a country that was used to seeing only single-figure increases. But the real problem was that, by design or not, members of this church have then spread the virus in drastic numbers. And now the daily lives of citizens are being directly affected by a religious group that many in the past simply ignored.

Jun Gwang-hoon has previously courted great controversy by alleging President Moon to be "worse than Hitler" and "doing the devil's work". These are bold words from someone known by his critics as the "Panty Pastor" for having apparently suggested that female members of his congregation would "become children of God if they take off their underwear for him."

Jun even suggested that the virus now afflicting him and his church was not his responsibility but instead, in something reminiscent of a Cold War spy tale, was planted by North Korean agents intent on bringing around the downfall of the South Korean nation-state through communization. The communion wine must be good over there.

On Aug. 15, Korean National Liberation Day, despite the government's request for social distancing and care to be taken, we saw protesters sharing meals, singing hymns, and praying without the face masks that are now legally enforced. Many of those gathered publicly proclaimed that they would not follow the government's social distancing guidelines, refused to get tested, and would not cooperate with authorities.

Three major Korean media platforms (Chosun Ilbo, Joongang Ilbo, and Donga Ilbo) ran paid advertisements for the rally in Gwanghwamun. Through other paid advertisements, they also publicized Jun's opinions, including the aforementioned "North Korean spy hypothesis" as well as criticism of the government's attitude towards religious groups.

These media outlets have come in for criticism amid demand for journalistic and professional standards. Advertising and news should not be so easily confused, particularly when these advertisements can bring about danger to the nation's health and present information that contradicts the scientific consensus on how to best cope with the pandemic.

These paid announcements in conservative media outlets, with Jun Kwang-hoon crying conspiracy regarding the testing and confirmed cases to anyone who will listen, cause a great strain on the Korea Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. They are working hard to persuade people to remain vigilant in personal hygiene and to come forward should they show any symptoms, yet their trust as an institution is being undermined by the actions of this individual and his cohorts.

Late last week, lawyers of Jun's church then had the temerity to file complaints against Prime Minister Chung Sye-kyun, acting Seoul Mayor Seo Jeong-hyup, Health Minister Park Neung-hoo and Jang Ha-yeun, chief of the Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency. They have argued that a ban on in-person worship is an "abuse of power", "violation of religious freedom," that their offices were "illegally raided," and Jun's mobile phone obtained without notifying his attorney.

President Moon has responded in no uncertain terms saying, "Prayer or services can bring peace of mind, but they cannot defend against the virus. All religions should accept that quarantine is not the domain of God, but the domain of science and medicine." Strong words from South Korea's second sitting Catholic president.

The situation the country is experiencing, the discomfort placed upon the shoulders of all those that acted responsibility, and the heightened restrictions on our daily behavior, could have all been prevented. Following the government's order that churches cease communal eating and gatherings beyond the scope of regular worship, many churches flagrantly disregarded these and acted in clear defiance of health and safety warnings.

Last week, the Busan Metropolitan Government issued an administrative order that prohibited face-to-face worship as social distancing restrictions increased. And yet, despite this, 279 of the 1,765 churches in the area completely ignored the order and went ahead with their worship anyway. It is likely they will face punitive action.

Looking at those numbers it would be wrong to tar all churches with the same brush of dangerous and paranoid behavior. Many have followed the government's orders and placed their worship online. Some have even come out and apologized for the behavior of others and asked for the public's understanding.

And to provide a sense of perspective why it would be incorrect to perceive all Korean churches or Christians as cut from the same cloth, consider that there are apparently more distinct Protestant organizations in South Korea than there are chain convenience stores. According to the Ministry of Culture, Sports, and Tourism, there are 55,104 Protestant organizations and only 38,855 convenience stores. Believe it or not, it is easier to get blessed by Jesus than it is to buy a cup ramyen and a triangle kimbap.

Christianity has deep and powerful roots here. Pyongyang used to be the home of Korean Christianity before the peninsula was divided and the Kim family began a seven-decade long reign over the citizens there that brought an end to the "Jerusalem of the East". Many early Protestant missionaries to Korea, such as Horace Allen and Horace Underwood in 1884 and 1885 respectively, also played important roles in establishing the institutions required for democracy: schools, newspapers, and hospitals. In the 1919 Declaration of Independence, 16 of the 33 Korean signatories were Protestant.

Until its defeat in World War II at the hands of the allies in 1945, Japanese Imperialism and the presence of Shintoism meant that only 3 percent of the Korean population was Protestant. The subsequent revival of Christianity in Korea then went very much hand-in-hand with its economic fortunes as the "prosperity gospel" and mammonism found fertile ground here. Western money flooding into the country during the 1960s and 1970s created the impression that if you were a Christian nation like the United States, you would be rich. Conversely, communism and North Korea were associated with the devil.

By 2000, 31 percent of the Korean population was Christian, and by 2006 it was exporting more missionaries than any other country except the United States. Three years ago, in 2017, it sent 27,000 missionaries overseas to spread the gospel. While more than half of the South Korean population now profess to not being religious, more than half of those that do are evangelical Protestants.

A generation gap has appeared, however. South Korea has the world's third-largest age gap vis-a-vis affiliation to a religion: less than 40 percent of those under 40 are religious while 63 percent of those over 40 are. Combine this with a continued failure of church leadership as certain pastors become embroiled in a whole host of rather shocking controversies as well as conflicting attitudes towards modern issues such as abortion and homosexuality and it would seem the once prosperous revival is coming to an end.

And so is Korea's once positive response to the pandemic. It remains to be seen how many people have become infected as a result of Gwanghwamun protests and surrounding issues, but the numbers are not good and the public and businesses are suffering as a result. But what of the courts' responsibility?

On Aug. 20, a petition demanding the dismissal of a judge who allowed rallies in Gwanghwamun to take place on Liberation Day was uploaded to the Blue House's website, gaining nearly a quarter of a million signatures in less than three days. The petition charges the judiciary with having failed to protect people's health and putting citizens' lives at risk.

While seven out of the 10 applications to hold rallies on Liberation Day were rejected and one was outright dismissed by the Seoul Administrative Court, the Hankyoreh reports that Judge Park Hyung-soon permitted two rallies to take place. One was to protest against perceived fraud in the recent national election; the other was held by the group "Ilpa Manpa". These largely Protestant groups congregate in the capital and believe they are saving the nation from the devil (President Moon and North Korea) and also take credit for orchestrating the dismissal of former Justice Minister Cho Kuk.

Judge Park suggested that if these rallies were to only take place for 4-5 hours, have no more than 100 people, and maintain constant temperature checks and social distancing, the rallies could take place. With permission to enter Gwanghwamun having been granted, and contrary to the court's initial judgment, the number of participants is said to have reached somewhere between 10,000 and 20,000; a flagrant disregard of the rules while hiding behind a shield of religious freedom.

Courts in Korea have been perceived to have bowed down to many of the churches here during the pandemic, often withdrawing rules or restrictions as a result of pressure being applied by religious groups and the cries of discrimination. The relationships between power, politics, and religion remain deeply entrenched.

Ex-President Lee Myoung-bak, imprisoned on charges of bribery, embezzlement, and tax evasion, professed he would dedicate the city of Seoul to God and under his administration (2008-13) extended space for Gangnam's Church of Love was controversially secured ― land to which the Seoul Supreme Court has said the church is not entitled.

Churches are also sometimes aligned with political parties and thus carry a great deal of political and economic clout. Jun Gwang-hoon even tried teaming up with other like-minded people to create his own party to run in the 2012 parliamentary elections. The Christian Liberal Democratic Party was short-lived, however, as most decried the direct relationship between the church and the state. Jun's policy to improve the nation's birth rate, to imprison anyone with fewer than five children, was also understandably not that popular. And you thought his previous comments were outlandish

Just like anywhere else, churches in South Korea provide comfort and companionship to people. Yet here they are often run as a state within themselves ― a landlocked fully autonomous government. The leader takes on huge responsibility for his flock, finding marriage partners, jobs, political opportunities, and more. Allegiance is often paid to this leader rather than the government or ruling party and church cohesion among the congregation becomes incredibly high as a result. These idiosyncratic features could explain why some worshippers ignored quarantine rules: they were simply doing what their "Lord" told them. But what about when that affects us, too?

The crisis is a reality and hospitals strain under the number of infections and people's livelihoods are hampered by the inability to go to work or open their restaurants, cafes, and clubs. We are as strong as our weakest link and our collective intelligence is needed once more. If the country is to eventually overcome this, it will require the efforts of everyone, including those of the churches that have thus far not adhered to the social contract.

Before we wish for whatever salvation or future might be written in any of our individual hearts, together let's at least first dream of a world free from masks. And for those crying about their own religious freedoms, while you are certainly entitled to them, do be careful and tread softly. We are poor and have only our dreams ― dreams on which you are treading.

Jian Seo (jiannieforever@gmail.com) studies International studies and Clothing & Textiles at Hanyang University. She is a society section editor at The Hanyang Journal, a member of Hanyang University Major Manager, and a former member of the Hanyang Debate Society.

David Tizzard (datizzard@swu.ac.kr) is an assistant professor at Seoul Women's University where he teaches Korean Studies. He discusses the week's hottest issues on TBS eFM (101.3FM) on "Life Abroad" live every Thursday from 9:35 a.m. to 10 a.m.